By employing the theory of Imagology, this work examines four literature workswritten in overseas study movements in modern Chinese history: Wang Tao's shortstories in Songyin Manlu, Lao She's The Two Mas, Bai Xianyong's A Death in Chicagoand Zhou Li's Manhattan's Chinese Lady. While tracing how Chinese intellectuals workthrough the dichotomy of China/West and Tradition /Modernity, this study alsoendeavors to reveal theoretical issues arising from inter-cultural communication andrepresentation. It argues that the literary projection of the west manifests a complex senseof the Chinese self primarily due to the portrayals of western cities and westerners as anembodiment of Chinese understandings of western modernity at different periods. In theLate Qing, the depiction of London in Songyin Manlu only focuses on gunboats, cannons,museums, and factories, because western modernity for the Chinese at the time wassignified by the mighty weaponry of British navy and advanced technology. In the 1920s,however, the portrayal of London in The Two Mas shifts to reveal how Londoners'lifestyle and culture make Britain the most powerful nation in the world, as the Chineseintellectuals advocated the westernization of Chinese culture in order to strengthen China.In the 1960s, the Chinese protagonist Wu Hanhun in A Death of Chicago feels estrangedand sexually seduced in Chicago, subsequently loses his sense of purpose in life andeventually commits suicide, the depiction of which is consistent with similar themes inwestern modernist literature. This is due to the fact that the modernist movement thrivedin Taiwan in the 1960s, and as such, had a large impact on Taiwanese writers. The 1990seraManhattan's Chinese Lady displays spectacles of America's wealth on the FifthAvenue in Manhattan, as common Chinese strive for becoming rich in contemporaryChina owing to the Chinese government's promotion of market reform after 40 years ofpoverty in socialist China. The study concludes that regardless of whether or not theimages of the west presented in Chinese discourse are idealizations, demonizations, orother related cultural determinations, they all manifest a type of anxiety in regard to theChinese Self.

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Offshore programs have become increasingly popular in countries that are experiencing rapid economic growth and rising demand for higher education. There is no doubt that China is one of the largest markets for offshore programs. However, the offshore program market in China has become increasingly competitive. Currently, institutions from the USA, the UK, and Australia, to name just a few, are offering offshore programs ranging from the professional diploma level to higher degrees such as MA, MBA and PhD. Therefore, understanding how Chinese students select an offshore program is important for competing and surviving in this market place. This study examines the effects of image (i.e., country image and higher education image), attitude, subject norm and perceived behavior control (adopted from Ajzen's theory of planned behavior) in Chinese students' enrollment intentions towards offshore programs from Australia, the UK and the USA respectively. A total number of 1291 valid questionnaires were collected from China for this study. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) method was used for data analyses and modeling. This PhD's several major findings have significant theoretical and practical implication. One of the major findings was that country image or its related higher education image doesn't have significant effect on an offshore program evaluation in China. This finding has contradicted most previous studies which suggested that country image had significant impact on whether a consumer purchases the products or brands from a foreign country. The difference between this study and the other country-image studies may be due to the fact that this study studied multiple factors besides country image, while the other studies looked at only the effect of country image on purchasing intention. Although country image or higher education image did not play any significant role in offshore program enrollments, this study found that the image of the partnering or local institution had a significant effect on enrollment intention. Because Chinese students are unfamiliar with a foreign country or their higher education system, they relied heavily on the local institution (e.g., its reputation and quality) to evaluate an offshore program. The findings with respective to image have challenged most previous studies on country image and open a new arena for looking at the effect of country image in behavioral intention. Practically speaking, these findings make universities rethink their offshore program strategies in foreign countries, particularly developing countries. Most university marketers from western countries emphasize on the characteristics of its own (such as the history of the university, the quality of research) when promoting its offshore program overseas. However, this study suggested that the focus should be placed on selecting a good and suitable local partner, as well as emphasizing the characteristics of the local partner. Other major findings were related to the Theory of Planned behavior. This study found that all three components of the TPB, namely, attitude towards the program, subject norm and perceived behavior control had significant effects on enrollment intention. This suggested that for predicting behavioral intention in educational program enrollment, the TPB is a very powerful model.

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本研究一方面剖析馬來西亞僑生來台前的教育歷程以及他們選擇來台的原因，另一方面亦深入探討馬來西亞僑生群體內部之國籍異質性對其在台生活經驗及「僑生」身分認同上的影響。本研究採用質性研究方法進行研究，主要透過訪談法與參與觀察法，分別於台灣與馬來西亞地區蒐集田野資料。主要研究發現為： 一、國籍的差異建構了馬來西亞馬籍與台籍僑生個人與國家（馬來西亞、台灣）關係上的差異，以及來台前教育歷程上的歧異性。來台之馬來西亞僑生中，馬籍僑生多畢業於著重華文教學之獨立中學中體系，而台籍僑生主要來自海外台灣學校。在馬來西亞獨立中學與海外台灣學校就讀的學生面對的是迥異的學習環境與教材、隱藏性課程與參考團體，但在不同因素的考量及作用下，他們不約而同地選擇來台就讀大學，並成為「僑生」。不論是馬籍或台籍僑生，他們對於其所具有之「僑生」身份多是採接受但不認同的態度，不過原因不盡相同。 二、「僑生」身份在台灣社會特殊的歷史脈絡中已逐漸與原始意涵脫鉤，並累積了如學業程度不好、說中文有口音及升學制度中之既得利益者等負面標籤，讓「僑生」成為一個被污名之群體。馬來西亞籍僑生由於其成長及受教背景之故，較易具備外顯的僑生符號（如說中文有口音），容易被辨識為「僑生」，因而常需背負「僑生」所具有的污名。台灣籍僑生因為具有台灣國籍以及講中文沒有口音等，迥異於台灣民眾對於一般僑生之想像，而難以被辨識其「僑生」身分，或其僑生身分較難獲得他人認同而另給予「假僑生」的稱謂。 三、依據自身與情境的特質，馬籍與台籍僑生發展相關策略以避免因「僑生」身份而被污名化，包括諸多規避（passing）行為（如口音轉換、呈現在地之身分認同、避免參與僑生團體）以避免身分暴露、構成強凝聚力之僑生團體以獲取社會支持及建構群體認同等策略。另外，台籍僑生一方面由於不符合社會對「僑生」的刻版印象，另一方面也為避免承受「僑生」身份的污名，往往接受「假僑生」的稱謂，並視其為一「戲謔性」但不具污名的稱呼。 / This study alalyzes the the education processes of Malaysian overseas Chinese students and their reasonings for studying in Taiwan on the one hand, and explores how the difference in nationality (Malaysia vs. Taiwan) affect their life experiences in Taiwan and their attitudes toward the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by the Taiwanese society on the other. The study utilizes qualitative research methods and collects field data (mainly through participant observation and in-depth interviewing techniques) from Taiwan and Malaysia. The major findings are stated as follows: 1. Difference in nationality between Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students constructs the divergence in their relations with respective states (Taiwan and Malaysia) and eductation tracking processes prior to their study in Taiwan. Among ethnic Chinese students from Malaysia studying in Taiwan, Malaysian Chinese students mostly graduated from independent high schools while Taiwanese Chinese came from overseas Taiwanese schools. The distinctions in these two schooling systems in the academic melius, teaching materials, hidden curriculums, and reference groups shape the different reasonings to study in Taiwan. For various reasons, these students accept but not necessarily agree on the “overseas Chinese student” identity given by Taiwanese soceity upon their arrival in Taiwan. 2. Under the changing historical context, the identity of “overseas Chinese student” has gradually lost its originally denotation and even become a stigmatized label. Malaysian Chinese students tend to be more easily identified as “overseas Chinese students” due to their more salient outer attributes (such as accent) and thus more likely to be stigmatized. Taiwanese Chinese students (from Malaysia), due to their Taiwanese nationality and Taiwanese accent, are less likely to be seen as “overseas Chinese students.”Even if this identity is disclosed, such identity is often challenged by others because of the misfit with the stereotype of “overseas Chinese student” that exists in the Taiwanese society. As a result, Taiwanes Chinese students from Malaysia are often called “psudo overseas Chinese students.” 3. Both Malaysian and Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia develop various strategies to aviod or overcome the possible stigmatization brought by the identity of “overseas Chinese students,” including many “passing” techniques as well as forming proactive and powerful overseas student associations. For Taiwanese Chinese students from Malaysia specifically, they often playfully accept the seemly degrading and yet un-stigmatzied title of “psudo overseas Chinese students” as a way to avoid stigmatization embedded in the identity of “overseas Chinese students.”

In recent decades, China has stood out for its active social experiment with its state-market relations and educational reforms to build internationally competitive universities. Students, as recipients of and participants in these changes, showed stakeholder awareness, subjectivity, and agency in navigating the Chinese university system, but their influence on university decision-making was unclear. Informed by a theoretical framework that incorporated the study of higher education internationalization, the associated concepts of student engagement, and a social, cultural, and institutional examination of the global-local interactions, this study explored student engagement with institutional governance in Chinese universities. Grounded in an interpretivist perspective, the research employed qualitative methods to unpack students’ knowledge construction, referential framework, and constant negotiation. Research questions addressed action patterns, conceptual rationales, and the deciding powers in student engagement. This research provided a contextual analysis of policy practices, individual student experiences, and the possible impact on the international outlook of Chinese higher education. Findings pinpointed overarching power relations within the institutional foundations of Chinese university structures, as they were highly intertwined with the university’s political priorities to create a neutral and stable campus. This is evident in the monopoly of the Communist Youth League in student activities, the institutionalization of student leadership, and the daily supervision of student counsellors. While the students were invited to participate in the peripheral structure of university governance, this structure, in turn, assimilated student voices and dissolved student unrest in the process. In the meantime, the investigation found informal interactions inspired sporadic student actions in spaces with lower-level institutionalization to push against the administrative boundaries. Students demonstrated an exceptional understanding of university power relations and their ability to act purposefully and strategically. Despite substantive internationalization efforts of Chinese HEIs, the analysis did not suggest internationalization had a direct significant connection with student engagement in Chinese university governance. Nonetheless, Western influences on current student-university interactions were manifested in the use of instructional models, the increased use of the English language, and a vision shaped by external knowledge towards more progressive campuses. The significance of this thesis is both scholarly and practical. This study identified the realities of Chinese higher education and the paucity of academic discussion on the student experience in Chinese universities. This research responded to the challenge of accommodating an understanding of the non-Anglo-Saxon experience with student engagement in mainstream theories developed largely in Western contexts. For policymakers and educators, the thesis highlighted the under-explored political dimensions of internationalization and the conditions for meaningful learning and engagement. / Graduate

戰後在海外發展的台灣獨立運動，藉由抨擊國民黨政府在台灣的施政、質疑關於台灣地位歸屬中國的論述，對國民黨政府統治台灣的「正當性」與「合法性」構成雙重挑戰。雖然國民黨政府在公開場合中，總是強調所謂的「台獨運動」不過是「一小撮人」的「荒謬主張」，是「分裂祖國」的「險惡陰謀」，這些從事台獨的運動者甚至被稱為「叛國者」；然而，海外台灣獨立運動在1960年代快速發展乃至1970年初，美國、日本、加拿大與歐洲等地台獨組織整合成立「世界台灣獨立聯盟」（World United Formosans for Independence，W.U.F.I），將海外台獨運動帶入另一波新階段卻也是不爭的事實，如此之發展自然非國民黨政府所樂見。在反對任何形式「台獨」的原則下，國民黨政府究竟採取怎樣的因應策略來「對付」此一情勢，便是值得深究的課題，而本文將集中探討美國台獨運動的案例。 本研究將利用各單位所典藏之「外交部檔案」，輔以海外台獨團體所發行的刊物、文宣、時人的回憶錄、口述訪談等資料，試圖以較系統性的方式探討國民黨政府如何從面對突發「海外台獨」案例後，開始摸索因應原則，進而在具體案件中實踐，事後檢討成效、修訂策略，又此歷程中反映出哪一些的侷限與挑戰，國民黨政府又是如何設法（或無法）克服或跨越，乃至確立一套因應機制，整合性地運用各種手法的過程。 本文透過分析一手史料並將視野置於「島外」，不僅為海外台獨運動的發展歷史提供一個「官方觀點」的面向，也為國民黨政府在台灣的統治機制提供一個更全面的觀點。 / By criticizing the KMT rule in Taiwan, questioning the claim about Taiwan being retroceded to China, overseas Taiwan Independence Movement brings double challenges to the KMT government in Taiwan. In public, the KMT government always claims that the so-called “Taiwan Independence Movement” is just an absurd proposition claimed by merely a handful of people as well as a malicious scheme to separate Taiwan from the motherland, and participants in Taiwan Independence Movement are labeled as“seditious elements’’. However, overseas Taiwan Independence Movement grew rapidly in the 1960s. In the early 1970s, groups in the United States, Japan, Canada and Europe worked together to establish the “World United Formosans for Independence’’ (W.U.F.I), which brought overseas Taiwan Independence Movement to a new stage, a fact the KMT government doesn’t want to face. The strategies the KMT government, opposing any type of“Taiwan independence”adopts in response to the situation is a topic deserving in-depth study, and this thesis will focus on the case of the United States. This thesis consults materials such as the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, magazines, oral materials, memoirs and reminiscences of those who were involved in Taiwan Independence Movement. It resorts to a more systematic methodology to explore how the KMT government faces the challenges that the overseas Taiwan Independence Movement brings about. It attempts to uncover the strategies the KMT government adopts in different stages in the process of dealing with various actions launched by the activists. By analyzing the primary sources and focusing its perspective on events "outside the island ", this thesis not only gives an “official perspective” on the development of the overseas Taiwan Independence Movement, but also provides a more comprehensive viewpoint about the ruling mechanism of the KMT government in Taiwan.