The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the �I.� The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.

The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the �I.� The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Tabarani Santos Milanezi.pdf: 1513450 bytes, checksum: 8f5c6a283c49366c7ebbe72654295667 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Based on an esthetical-political analysis of the film Solaris, and an investigation on the personal and artistic life of Andrei Tarkovsky, within a historical and political context situated in the Soviet Union from the 1960s through the 1990s, it s proposed in this research to emphasize the shock between this artist and the Soviet State, with the purpose to demonstrate a political presence in Tarkovsky s work. Tarkovsky s own writings, the philosophical and esthetical concepts of Gilles Deleuze, the political notions of political presence of the work and esthetization of politics, written by Professor Miguel Chaia, give support to the foundations of this dissertation, making it possible to create: a discussion about Tarkovsky s conceptions of art and cinema; an analytical cut of the film Solaris, showing the esthetical, political, historical problems involved in this work; an overview of the Soviet cinematographic industry, debating the relationship between the artist Tarkovsky and the authoritarian bureaucracy of the Soviet State, as well as the effects of this as a political act of resistance made by the filmmaker through his filmography / A partir de uma análise estético-política do filme Solaris, e de uma investigação sobre a vida pessoal e artística de Andrei Tarkovsky, dentro de um contexto histórico-político situado na União Soviética dos anos 1960 até a década de 1990, propõe-se, nesta pesquisa, destacar o embate entre esse artista e o Estado soviético, com o objetivo de demonstrar uma presença política da obra de Tarkovsky. Os escritos do próprio Tarkovsky, os conceitos filosóficos e estéticos de Gilles Deleuze, as noções políticas de presença política da obra e estetização da política, trazidas pelo Prof. Miguel Chaia, dão embasamento para a fundamentação deste trabalho, possibilitando: uma discussão sobre as concepções de arte e cinema do artista Tarkovsky; um recorte analítico do filme Solaris, mostrando as questões estéticas, políticas, históricas envolvidas na obra; um panorama da indústria cinematográfica soviética, problematizando a relação entre o artista Tarkovsky e a burocracia autoritária do Estado soviético, assim como os efeitos disso enquanto ato político de resistência por parte do cineasta através de sua filmografia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Tabarani Santos Milanezi.pdf: 1513450 bytes, checksum: 8f5c6a283c49366c7ebbe72654295667 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Based on an esthetical-political analysis of the film Solaris, and an investigation on the personal and artistic life of Andrei Tarkovsky, within a historical and political context situated in the Soviet Union from the 1960s through the 1990s, it s proposed in this research to emphasize the shock between this artist and the Soviet State, with the purpose to demonstrate a political presence in Tarkovsky s work. Tarkovsky s own writings, the philosophical and esthetical concepts of Gilles Deleuze, the political notions of political presence of the work and esthetization of politics, written by Professor Miguel Chaia, give support to the foundations of this dissertation, making it possible to create: a discussion about Tarkovsky s conceptions of art and cinema; an analytical cut of the film Solaris, showing the esthetical, political, historical problems involved in this work; an overview of the Soviet cinematographic industry, debating the relationship between the artist Tarkovsky and the authoritarian bureaucracy of the Soviet State, as well as the effects of this as a political act of resistance made by the filmmaker through his filmography / A partir de uma análise estético-política do filme Solaris, e de uma investigação sobre a vida pessoal e artística de Andrei Tarkovsky, dentro de um contexto histórico-político situado na União Soviética dos anos 1960 até a década de 1990, propõe-se, nesta pesquisa, destacar o embate entre esse artista e o Estado soviético, com o objetivo de demonstrar uma presença política da obra de Tarkovsky. Os escritos do próprio Tarkovsky, os conceitos filosóficos e estéticos de Gilles Deleuze, as noções políticas de presença política da obra e estetização da política, trazidas pelo Prof. Miguel Chaia, dão embasamento para a fundamentação deste trabalho, possibilitando: uma discussão sobre as concepções de arte e cinema do artista Tarkovsky; um recorte analítico do filme Solaris, mostrando as questões estéticas, políticas, históricas envolvidas na obra; um panorama da indústria cinematográfica soviética, problematizando a relação entre o artista Tarkovsky e a burocracia autoritária do Estado soviético, assim como os efeitos disso enquanto ato político de resistência por parte do cineasta através de sua filmografia

Cette thèse se propose d'explorer les enjeux politiques, esthétiques et éthiques du documentaire en Chine. À partir d'une recherche historique depuis la naissance du cinéma chinois en 1905 jusqu'à la fin de l'ère maoïste en 1976, nous montrons que le documentaire est progressivement assujetti aux politiques, soutenant la construction d'une Nation moderne. Ainsi, l'esthétique ne parvient pas à s'affranchir de la politique avant les réformes économiques des années 1980. À partir de cette période, nous analysons les stratégies adoptées par les cinéastes pour se libérer de leur carcan idéologique, en nous appuyant sur des enquêtes de terrain et des analyses filmiques. Si la télévision offre d'abord un cadre propice à une réévaluation du documentaire pour favoriser sa diffusion, nous montrons que le renforcement de la censure, après les manifestations de 1989, incite certains documentaristes à créer des circuits de production et de diffusion alternatifs au secteur audiovisuel. L'analyse consacrée au mode d'organisation de ce réseau met au jour les mécanismes de reconnaissance professionnelle qui amènent les cinéastes à développer leurs activités dans le secteur privé chinois, tout en cherchant à exister sur la scène internationale. Cette autonomie structurelle leur permet de concevoir une éthique visant à garantir leur proximité avec les personnes filmées, souvent issues des couches populaires. Mais en raison de l'ingérence des autorités chinoises, leurs films sont seulement diffusés dans des festivals bénéficiant d'une faible visibilité dans l'espace public. Du fait de leur inscription dans un espace marginalisé, fréquenté essentiellement par des artistes et des intellectuels, leur visée égalitariste se heurte à l'impossibilité de renouer avec le public chinois. Ce paradoxe suggère la difficulté d'établir un dialogue constructif entre les documentaristes et le public, tant que l’État chinois n'autorisera pas la formation d'une sphère réflexive, fonctionnant indépendamment des institutions politiques, permettant de réunir cinéastes, critiques et spectateurs en une communauté concrète. / This thesis proposes to explore the political, aesthetic and ethical issues of documentary in China. Based on a historical research from the birth of Chinese cinema in 1905 to the end of the Maoist era in 1976, I show that documentary was progressively subjected to politics, supporting the construction of a modern nation. Thus, aesthetics could not free itself from politics before the reform of the economic system in the 1980s. From that period onwards, I analyze the strategies adopted by filmmakers to free themselves from their ideological straitjacket, based on field surveys and film analyzes. While television has first enabled the re-evaluation of documentary to promote its diffusion, I show that the strengthening of censorship, following the student protests of 1989, has encouraged some documentary filmmakers to create production and diffusion channels independent from the audiovisual sector. The analysis of this network's organization mode reveals the mechanisms of professional recognition, that lead the filmmakers to develop their activities in the Chinese private sector, while seeking to exist on the international scene. This structural autonomy allows them to develop an ethics aimed at guaranteeing their proximity with the people filmed, who usually belong to the lower classes. However, the interference of the Chinese authorities only allows their films to be shown in festivals which have low visibility in the public space. As they are part of a marginalized space, frequented mainly by artists and intellectuals, their egalitarian aim is hampered by the impossibility of reconnecting with the Chinese audience. This paradox suggests the difficulty of establishing a constructive dialogue between documentary filmmakers and the audience, as long as the Chinese State does not allow the formation of a public sphere, functioning independently of political institutions, bringing together filmmakers, critics and audience members into a concrete community.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura estético-política da obra do diretor português Pedro Costa. Orientada pelas narrativas, pela mise-enscène e pelos modos de produção do cinema do realizador, ela pretende discorrer e tensionar questões acerca da colonialidade que perpassa Portugal e o continente europeu no século XXI. A partir desta obra que é enfocada nas Fontainhas, bairro lisboeta de emigrados cabo-verdianos que foi demolido pelo estado português, objetiva-se compreender o trabalho estético e político de dois filmes acompanharam este processo: No quarto da Vanda (2000) e Juventude em marcha (2006), além da realização posterior à demolição das Fontainhas: Cavalo Dinheiro (2014). Filmes que apontam para as fantasmagorias dos processos coloniais, buscando assim, trazer as suas personagens como agentes centrais dos procedimentos de fabulação do real de tais apontamentos. / [en] This dissertation aims to carry out an aesthetic-political reading of Portuguese film director Pedro Costa s work. Guided by the filmmaker s narratives, mise-enscène, and cinematic production style, the intention is to reflect on and stress questions related to coloniality that have penetrated Portugal and the European continent in the 21st century. With a body of work focussed on Fontainhas, a Lisbon neighborhood of Cape Verdean immigrants demolished by the Portuguese state, this study aims to understand the aesthetic and political work of two films that accompanied this process: In Vanda s Room (2000) and Colossal Youth (2006), in addition to the film completed after the demolition of Fontainhas: Horse Money (2014). These films point out the phantasmagorias of the colonial processes, seeking, as a result, to bring forth the characters as central agents in the fabling process of the real events noted.

Cette recherche s’intéresse aux propriétés politiques du médium audiovisuel, et plus spécifiquement de la pratique cinématographique, devant un problème concret : la marginalisation de la jeunesse dans la société américaine contemporaine, symptomatique d’une perte d’espoir en l’avenir. Guidé par la théorie politique de Hannah Arendt, l’argumentaire consiste d’abord en deux analyses filmiques : une première de Kids (1995), réalisé par Larry Clark, porte sur l’invisibilité sociale de la jeunesse et la faculté du médium audiovisuel à confronter le spectateur. La seconde se penche sur le pouvoir systématisé auquel sont soumis les jeunes dans une institution scolaire bureaucratique, tel qu’il est mis en scène dans Elephant (2003) de Gus Van Sant, et interroge la capacité du médium à susciter la pensée chez le spectateur. Dans un troisième temps, une réflexion plus globale sur la situation actuelle de la culture cinématographique au sein du domaine audiovisuel dominé par le divertissement de masse explore la possibilité d’une polis audiovisuelle. Cette troisième et dernière partie reprend les thèmes soulevés dans les précédentes dans une perspective politique basée directement sur la pensée d’Arendt : ils donnent lieu aux questions de l’apparaître et de la durabilité du monde, qui sont les principales fonction de la polis, ainsi qu’à la question du rôle du spectateur. / This research is about the political properties of the audiovisual media, focusing on cinema as a specific practice, in front of a concrete problem: marginalized youth in contemporary American society, which is symptomatic of a loss of hope for the future. Guided by Hannah Arendt’s political theory, the arguments start with two film analyses: a first one of Larry Clark’s Kids (1995) concerns the social invisibility of youth, and audiovisual media’s faculty to confront the spectator. The second one takes a look at the systematized power to which youths are submitted in a bureaucratic educational establishment, as it is featured in Gus Van Sant’s Elephant (2003), and examines media’s capacity to bring the viewer to think. Third and last, a more overall reflection on the current situation of film culture within the audiovisual field dominated by mass entertainment explores the possibility of an audiovisual polis. This last part pursues the themes discussed in the two former ones in a politic perspective, directly based on Arendt’s thoughts: they lead to considerations on appearance and durability of the world, which are the main functions of the polis, as well as considerations on the spectator’s role.

Par le biais de deux groupes de production issus de la même base, Slon (1968-1973) et Iskra qui lui succède, cette thèse interroge les modalités d'intervention politique d'une partie des acteurs du champ cinématographique français, de la fin des années 1960 à la fin des années 1980. Ce travail s'attache à la notion de collectif de cinéma militant, telle que forgée au cours de la période au prisme de la production, de la réalisation et de la circulation des œuvres issues de ce contexte. La formation du collectif militant passe d'abord par l'élaboration de modèles de productions spécifiques s'opposant au fonctionnement de l'industrie cinématographique. Difficile à accorder aux contraintes du champ, la recherche structurelle menée par les groupes formés dans l'après 1968 est constante jusqu'au début des années 1980, période à laquelle les acteurs du cinéma militant entament un mouvement inverse d'institutionnalisation. La confrontation des œuvres produites dans ce cadre, répondant aux temps forts du mouvement social, avec les pratiques revendiquées montre la diversité des voies d'engagement en cinéma ainsi que la difficulté de mettre en pratique l'idéal collectif. Certains films révèlent aussi une disproportion entre les ambitions des structures de production et leurs capacités d’action. La manière dont Slon et Iskra organisent la diffusion d'un catalogue constitué de nombreux films réalisés dans d'autres cadres fait émerger des pratiques qui n'ont pas été prévues dans leurs tâches originelles. Mobilisant de nouveaux acteurs au sein du groupe comme à l'extérieur, la distribution impacte fortement le fonctionnement du collectif. C'est finalement au moyen de cette activité que les membres d'Iskra parviennent à adapter la structure aux mutations du paysage audiovisuel français jusque dans les années 1980. / This thesis questions the modalities of political intervention among protagonists of the French cinematographic field from the late '60s until the late '80s, through the study of the two production groups derived from one and the same basis, Slon ( 1969-1973), followed by Iskra. This work concentrates on the concept of collective activist cinema, faithful to its definition forged during the given timespan, through the prism of production, of the execution and circulation of works produced in this context. The development of the activist collective firstly goes through the elaboration of specific production patterns in opposition with the functioning of the film industry. Difficult to reconcile with the inherent constraints of the film industry, the structural research led by groups fonned after 1968 is a constant until the early '80s, when cinema activists initiate a reverse movement, towards institutionalization. The confrontation between the movies accomplished in this background in response to the key moments of the social movement and according to the claimed policies, shows both the diversity of ways in the commitment through cinema and the difficulty in turning the collective ideal into hard facts. Some of the works studied also reveal the discrepancy between the ambitions of their production structures and their actual capacity for action. The way Slon and Iska organize the distribution of their catalogue made up of numerous products realized in contexts other than the initial, gives rise to new schemes which were not anticipated among their original tasks. Mobilizing new human resources from both inside and outside the group, the distribution had a huge impact on the manner the collective functioned as a whole. It is by the means of this very activity that the members of Iskra finally adapt their structure to the shifts occurred in the broadcasting field ail along through the '80s.