The purpose of this research was to find out what Social Value is, how it is created and in what way it is related to Social Entrepreneurship. The study has been done at a time when the concept of Social Entrepreneurship has come to the forefront at the outset of the 21st Century; in an advent of rapid change and worldwide turmoil; yet an academic understanding of Social Entrepreneurship has been lacking. A Western-style capitalist economy has a highly functioning 'for-profit' and government regulatory system, with civil society which carries an obligation to have regard for those who 'have not.' The goodness-of-fit between all three sectors determines the harmony, order and satisfaction of a given population. We now know that social Value is created when communities are impacted with outcomes from the inspiration and perspiration of Social Entrepreneurs and Support teams who are committed to alleviating human need. Social Entrepreneurs and their teams have a different outlook on life. They live with a lack of financial security, are time-poor, persevering, and resourceful; and they manage risk even as need is being resourced. Based upon a robust literature of Entrepreneurship and Values theories for meaning, data collection allowed for ten social ventures to be casestudied. These lead to further enquiry into seven peak bodies designed to be resourcing agencies. This research is important because a model has been developed which effectively enables social ventures to service their mission, and to stay viable. As a result of this, a way forward has been identified where the impact from social entrepreneuring becomes a core determinant of created Social Value. The contribution of this research has been to lay a foundation in grassroots social entrepreneurship which is supported by a Literature which others following can add to or further define. There is now something comprehensive drawn from the experiences of many in the field uipon which to base further enquiry and future investigation. Suggestions have also been made which need reinforcing at the Public Policy level; others in the Social Policy sector will want to know the way to reengineer a way out of the 'gap' which exists in the Capitalist System.

本人研究現行國民中學公民教育的民主價值觀，是因為我國國中「公民與道德」課程的實施，為有意識的公民教育的一環，國家希望透過此一社會化過程，讓國中學生學習及獲取民主價值，此社會化過程影響學生成年後政治價值之取向及政治行為的模式。中學教育是一種「國民教育」，從民族意識、國家觀念的培養，乃至基本法律常識、政治過程、權利義務及自治能力的訓練，目的是希望培養學生成為服務社會的好國民。 基於國中公民教育在學校教育中所負有的意義，本研究希望藉由對於現行國中「公民與道德」課程所做的民主價值觀分析，達到以下的目的： 1. 探討民主價值觀在正式課程的「公民與道德」科教材實施中，所呈現的意義與評價。 2. 探討民主價值觀在非正式課程的「公民與道德」科活動運作中，所呈現的意義與評價。 3. 本研究以國中公民教師為對象，進行深度訪談，探討現行國中公民科教材編定及活動進行對學生民主價值觀念的影響程度。 4. 歸納研究結果，提出建議，提供教育當局改進的參考。 本研究對現行國民中學「公民與道德」教材進行民主價值觀分析時，適逢民國八十七學年度公民教材改版的時期，原本國中一至三年級均使用七十八年版一至六冊「公民與道德」的教材，改編為現行八十七年版適用於二至三年級使用的一至四冊「公民與道德」教材，並且在課程安排及教材編寫方面均較以往有很大的改變。教育部預計在九十年度計劃實施九年一貫的國民義務教育，教學科目調整為語文、健康與體育、社會、藝術與人文、數學、自然與科技及綜合活動七大領域的整體化教學，現行國民中學「公民與道德」科在教材編輯及活動設計上亦做了配合性的調整。 本研究的主要發現為：現行國中公民教材的編排內容十分強調民主信念、人民主權、公民責任感及法治運作的民主價值觀念，此結果說明公民教育藉由學校課程的社會化過程，強化學生民主、人權、責任及法治的概念使學生能早日成為身心發展均衡的健全公民，相較之下，現行國中公民教材的編排內容在政治參與及國家認同的民主價值觀念則有加強的必要，因為在民主社會的政治發展過程中，公民的參與行為及認同態度對於民主政治的發展有相當大的影響。因此，建議在往後的教材修訂過程中能多加強公民在政治行為及國家認同觀念的課程內容。此外，在現行國民中學公民活動的進行過程中則十分注重民主信念、公民責任感及政治參與的民主價值觀念，其次則為人民主權及法治運作的民主價值觀念，國家認同的觀念則有加強的必要。此結果說明現行國中公民活動的進行，可以培養學生對於民主運作程序、公民權利責任及政治參與態度的瞭解程度。藉由公民活動的順利推行，使學生能清楚明瞭身為現代公民應注重民主理念、公民責任及參與行為的重要性，其次，在活動進行中應強調人權及法治的觀念，特別是團體認同觀念的建立在公民活動中尤應重視。總之，民主信念的價值觀念在現行國中的公民教材及公民活動均十分強調及注重，而國家認同的價值觀念在現行國中的公民教材及公民活動中，則有應再加強的必要性。此外，學生在現行國中「公民與道德」課程教材方面、公民活動方面及教學方法方面均提出應改進的建議，提供教育當局作教育改革的參考。

中興以人才為本，有一流的人才，始有一流的政府；有健全完善的人事制度，亦才能使公務人員安心盡職，展現高效率得行政效能。李總統登輝先生於民國八十四年元旦祝詞中，特別將健全文官制度列為國家四大改進工程之一。公務人員人事制度的內涵，除考試、任用、考績、薪俸外，尚包括退休、撫卹。退休制度不僅代表著政府對其員工之照護，更是留任優秀人才、吸引人才投入，以維持文官系統生生不息、日新又新的重要制度。故於人事制度上，如有健全的退休制度，不僅消極地使年老力衰的公務人員，得以退休而安享餘年；更可積極地引進青年才俊之士，以發揮人事新陳代謝的功用，提高行政效能。 　　我國公務人員退休制度，自民國三十二年施行迄今，已逾半個世紀，其間雖經過四次修正，惟均維持由政府負擔退撫經費之「恩給制」，並未作重大改革。然由於時代的演進，社會的轉型，復以國人平均壽命延長，公務人員待遇持續改善，退休人數亦不斷增加，以致造成退休經費日趨膨脹，加重政府財政負擔，傳統公務人員退休「恩給制」面臨嚴重挑戰。有鑑於此，政府主管機關乃自民國六十一年起進行改革退休制度。行政、考試二院歷經十餘年之研議、溝通協調，公務人員退休法部分條文修正案於八十二年一月二十日始奉 總統明令公布，嗣經考試院完成相關輔助法規等配合措施後，自八十四年七月一日開始實施公務人員退休新制。期望未來公務人員退休新制實施後，不僅能減輕政府財政負擔，亦能符合我國人事法制環境，以發揮退休制度安老恤孤之功能。 　　本文計有六章十八節，各章要旨如下： 　　第一章「緒論」，計分三節，包括研究動機與目的、研究範圍、研究方法與限制。 　　第二章「公務人員退休制度之理論基礎」，計分三節，主要敘述公務人員退休制度之涵義、各國退休制度發展之演進，並簡介美、英、日三國公務人員退休制度概況。 　　第三章「我國公務人員退休制度之演進與現況」，計分三節，主要介紹我國公務人員退休制度法制建立的演進，並略述退休新制實施前現況，以期鑑往知來。 　　第四章「我國公務人員退休制度改革之研議經過」，計分三節，本文將我國退休制度改革之研議經過，分為四階段，本章僅就行政院倡議改革時期、爭議協商時期及意見整合時期等過程作說明。 　　第五章「公務人員退休制度改革之完成」，計分三節，首先簡述改革案立法審議情況，次敘述公務人員退休制度改革之主要內容及其他配合措施。 　　第六章「結論」，計分三節，綜合各章所述，提出研究發現與建議意見，期供未來法制之參考。

This thesis compares the experiences of citizens who regularly participate in the planning and zoning processes of their respective local governments. Atlanta has had a highly structured system of neighborhood government in place for over 35 years, called Neighborhood Planning Units. Enacted by Atlanta’s first African-American Mayor, NPUs were meant to facilitate the civic engagement of all neighborhoods, regardless of socioeconomic status. The role and boundaries of NPUs are codified in the City Charter. Unincorporated Cobb County, Georgia is a large, urbanizing-but-still-suburban county north of the city. Cobb does not officially recognize community boundaries nor is there a codified neighborhood government structure in place. By comparing the two systems of governance, this thesis will examine which best facilitates participation and whether respondents feel efficacious as they engage with their local government. The findings matter because citizen participation is generally deemed a desirable and even necessary element of modern, representative democracy.

Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the articleoffers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previousdefinitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civicengagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. Inparticular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest 'political participation'(including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary politicalaction) and less direct or 'latent' forms of participation, conceptualized here as 'civicengagement' and 'social involvement'. The article argues that the notion of 'latent'forms of participation is crucial to understand new forms of political behaviour and theprospects for political participation in different countries. Due to these innovations itcontributes to a much-needed theoretical development within the literature on politicalparticipation and citizen engagement.

This study focuses on nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Anchored in theories that this region historically has been characterized by a nationalism that is based on the ethnic group rather than on liberal or civic concepts, it is the purpose of this study to explore whether these theories still apply in recent times when the region has been liberalized, for example manifested in the entry to the European Union. The research question has been tested through analysis of the constitutions of a number of Central and Eastern European countries in order to investigate what type of nationalism that the states have codified in their basic political documents. The results show that some of the states give expression to the historical ethnic nationalism in their constitutions, which indicates that the theories still are relevant.

Voter participation among Saskatchewans citizens has decreased in both federal and provincial elections, especially in the past decade or so, and especially among 18-24 year olds. Provincially, turnout has fallen almost 20 percentage points over a four-year period. Saskatchewan voter turnout in federal elections has fallen almost 15 percentage points in a similar time period. The purpose of this thesis is to uncover potential factors that might help to explain why turnout has decreased so markedly. Though a number of factors exist to explain why fewer citizens are participating on election day, this thesis has worked to seek out the explanation in two forms. First, taking into account the civic literacy theory of Henry Milner, this thesis has examined Saskatchewans junior and senior high school curricula in an effort to find changes in the way civics has been taught. Marked changes have iv been found, and differences in the prescribed teaching of civics throughout the years point to the possibility that the way in which civics is taught to students may have an effect on whether they feel a duty or obligation to vote. Second, this thesis has, following the social capital theory of Robert Putnam, concluded through a brief survey of membership numbers in a small number of community and volunteer organizations as well as church attendance and volunteer levels that community involvement may also be a factor in deciding whether to vote. This thesis has concluded that more, duty-oriented civic education is needed in Saskatchewans junior and senior high schools in order to ensure that students leaving the education system feel an obligation to participate on election day and in the community more than they are presently.

Voter participation among Saskatchewans citizens has decreased in both federal and provincial elections, especially in the past decade or so, and especially among 18-24 year olds. Provincially, turnout has fallen almost 20 percentage points over a four-year period. Saskatchewan voter turnout in federal elections has fallen almost 15 percentage points in a similar time period. The purpose of this thesis is to uncover potential factors that might help to explain why turnout has decreased so markedly. Though a number of factors exist to explain why fewer citizens are participating on election day, this thesis has worked to seek out the explanation in two forms. First, taking into account the civic literacy theory of Henry Milner, this thesis has examined Saskatchewans junior and senior high school curricula in an effort to find changes in the way civics has been taught. Marked changes have iv been found, and differences in the prescribed teaching of civics throughout the years point to the possibility that the way in which civics is taught to students may have an effect on whether they feel a duty or obligation to vote. Second, this thesis has, following the social capital theory of Robert Putnam, concluded through a brief survey of membership numbers in a small number of community and volunteer organizations as well as church attendance and volunteer levels that community involvement may also be a factor in deciding whether to vote. This thesis has concluded that more, duty-oriented civic education is needed in Saskatchewans junior and senior high schools in order to ensure that students leaving the education system feel an obligation to participate on election day and in the community more than they are presently.

The dominant civic engagement literature has focused on the many positive outcomes that stem from leading an active associational life, linking it to lower crime rates, economic growth and a healthy democracy. However, it has been less effective at recognizing how much of a dependent variable civic engagement actually is, exploring what shapes it and how. Yet, in light of its centrality to the democratic process and the benefits that accrue from strong, active communities, it is important to understand what shapes civic engagement to establish who is in a better position to participate and why. Drawing on personal interviews with single mothers, policy analyses, and World Values and ISSP survey data, this dissertation explores how inequality and the state shape civic engagement. The findings underscore the impact of class- and status-based inequalities on civic engagement, focusing on women as a case study. Women’s dual roles as caregivers in the home and paid workers in the labour market contribute to the gender gap in participation. However, the presence of children is linked to higher levels of participation for women, and parent-, child- and care-related groups are found to build trust, foster a sense of community, and act as a catalyst for civic involvement. The thesis also highlights the extent to which the state structures citizenship and participation, focusing on welfare regimes as case studies. It develops theories that test the effect of interventionism, egalitarianism and statism on the civic engagement levels of welfare regime-types. The findings suggest that while egalitarian policies may help reduce the impact of inequality on civic life, comprehensive social policies alone do not necessarily lead to more active societies. The way political authority is structured can have a deep impact on civic habits, and creating openings and opportunities for citizens to participate can inspire collective action.

The dominant civic engagement literature has focused on the many positive outcomes that stem from leading an active associational life, linking it to lower crime rates, economic growth and a healthy democracy. However, it has been less effective at recognizing how much of a dependent variable civic engagement actually is, exploring what shapes it and how. Yet, in light of its centrality to the democratic process and the benefits that accrue from strong, active communities, it is important to understand what shapes civic engagement to establish who is in a better position to participate and why. Drawing on personal interviews with single mothers, policy analyses, and World Values and ISSP survey data, this dissertation explores how inequality and the state shape civic engagement. The findings underscore the impact of class- and status-based inequalities on civic engagement, focusing on women as a case study. Women’s dual roles as caregivers in the home and paid workers in the labour market contribute to the gender gap in participation. However, the presence of children is linked to higher levels of participation for women, and parent-, child- and care-related groups are found to build trust, foster a sense of community, and act as a catalyst for civic involvement. The thesis also highlights the extent to which the state structures citizenship and participation, focusing on welfare regimes as case studies. It develops theories that test the effect of interventionism, egalitarianism and statism on the civic engagement levels of welfare regime-types. The findings suggest that while egalitarian policies may help reduce the impact of inequality on civic life, comprehensive social policies alone do not necessarily lead to more active societies. The way political authority is structured can have a deep impact on civic habits, and creating openings and opportunities for citizens to participate can inspire collective action.