A presente dissertação analisa o conteúdo epistemológico e dogmático da confiança e elevação desta à categoria de princípio constitucional nos ordenamentos jurídicos alienígenas e brasileiro, sobretudo neste último como feição subjetiva do princípio da segurança jurídica, que decorre do sobreprincípio do Estado de Direito, a fim de proteger as legítimas expectativas dos particulares na manutenção de situações fáticas e jurídicas amparadas por atos estatais que, ao longo do tempo, se pretendam alterar por atos do próprio Estado. Discute-se o direito e dever de todos, particulares e Estado, mas especialmente deste último, na proteção do meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado à luz dos mandamentos constitucionais, diante de um contexto social cada vez mais dinâmico, buscando atribuir à preservação do meio ambiente o status de direito e dever fundamentais sobretudo diante da veloz e voraz degradação estabelecida pelo modelo de sociedade e mercado contemporâneos. Por fim, de modo pontual, são analisados os princípios constitucionais de proteção do equilíbrio ambiental e da proteção substancial da confiança em casos de tensão levados à apreciação de Tribunais pátrios. Nesta esteira, analisa-se se e em que medida a interpretação de tais princípios fundamentais, ainda sob as amarras de um modelo jurisdicional conservador podem dar concreção a tais garantias constitucionais. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES. / The present dissertation analyzes the epistemological and dogmatic content of trust and this elevation to the rank of constitutional principle the alien and Brazilian jurisdictions, especially in the latter as a subjective feature of the principle of legal certainty, elapsing it follows from the principle of the rule of law, in order to protect the legitimate expectations of individuals in maintaining factual and legal situations supported by state acts that, over time, if they intend to change by the state itself acts. Discusses the right and duty of all private and state, but especially the latter, in the protection of ecologically balanced environment in the light of constitutional commandments, before a social context increasingly dynamic, seeking to assign to the preservation of the environment the status of law and fundamental duty especially given the rapid and voracious degradation established the model of society and contemporary market. Finally, in a timely manner, they analyze the constitutional principles of protection of environmental equilibrium and substantial protection of trust in case of tension led to the appreciation of patriotic Courts. On this track, it analyzes whether and to what extent the interpretation of such fundamental principles, still under the grip of a conservative judicial model can give concreteness such constitutional guarantees.

O direito fundamental ao meio ambiente reflete-se como princípio jurídico-objetivo vinculativo da atuação do Poder Público com aplicação direta sobre o Sistema Tributário Nacional. A consideração apresentada é fundamento nuclear para o desenvolvimento do tema na forma proposta no presente estudo, o qual busca qualificar o direito fundamental ao meio ambiente, especialmente a partir de sua dimensão objetiva, como mecanismo normativo constitucional conformador dos elementos do tributo e das políticas tributárias. Orientado metodologicamente pela argumentação própria da dogmática jurídica de matriz analítica, o estudo analisará os efeitos jurídicos decorrentes do direito ao meio ambiente a partir da sua contemplação como direito fundamental, avançando pela sua natureza jurídica de princípio constitucional de aplicabilidade imediata e vinculativa que o qualifica como elemento valorativo de direção e limitação sobre o sistema jurídico e, em especial, sobre o Sistema Tributário Nacional. Esses resultados teóricos conduzem à consideração do direito fundamental ao meio ambiente como vetor que conforma e limita a definição dos elementos dos tributos e das políticas tributárias, a fim de que esses sejam atores da promoção e proteção do próprio direito fundamental ao meio ambiente. Eventual desrespeito aos valores ambientais por parte da norma tributária concreta conduz à suspeição de inconstitucionalidade, fato este apenas relativizado na hipótese do descumprimento ser justificado por outro direito fundamental incidente sobre a base motivacional do tributo e que, na ponderação de princípios, prevaleça no caso concreto. / The fundamental right to environment reflects as a legal objective principle binding of the Public Power action with direct application over the National Taxation System. The presented consideration is a nuclear foundation to the development of the subject as proposed in this study, which demands to qualify the fundamental right to environment, especially from its objective dimension, as a constitutional normative mechanism that shapes the tax itself and taxation policy. Methodologically oriented by the legal dogmatic of analytical pattern argumentation, the study shall examine the legal effects arising from the right to environment from its contemplation as a fundamental right, passing through the legal status of constitutional principle of immediate and mandatory application, qualified as a evaluative element of direction and limitation over the legal system and, specially, over the National Taxation System. These theoretical results lead to the account of the fundamental right to environment as the vector that conforms and limits the tax elements and taxation policy definitions, in order that they are the actors of the fundamental right to environment’ promotion and protection. A possible contempt of environment values by the tangible tax rule leads to suspicion of unconstitutionality, fact relativized only in the hypothesis of noncompliance justified by other fundamental right influencing the motivational basis of tax and which prevails in the particular case in a principles weighting.

Este estudo analisa o controle das empresas e profissionais de segurança privada no Brasil. A questão mais importante em relação ao controle da segurança privada é saber se é possível assegurar que o policiamento provido por esse setor seja executado de acordo com as regras públicas. A única forma de obter serviços aderentes a essas regras é fazer com que elas sejam levadas em consideração pelos profissionais que executam as atividades de policiamento privado. Estudiosos do policiamento concordam que os mecanismos mais capazes de produzir esses resultados estão localizados no interior das organizações. Levando isso em consideração, o objetivo desta tese de doutorado é entender as condições sob as quais as organizações de policiamento privado controlam seus funcionários de acordo com as normas públicas que regulam a prestação de serviços de segurança privada no Brasil. A hipótese que orienta o estudo é a de que esse controle ocorre quando as empresas de segurança percebem a existência de um ambiente institucional na qual os atores que exercem o controle externo da segurança privada (clientes, órgão regulador, Judiciário e mídia) são capazes de fazer com que comportamentos desviantes em relação às normas públicas sejam mais custosos para as empresas do que os investimentos necessários à estruturação de sistemas de controle interno aptos a prevenir tais comportamentos. Para avaliar essa hipótese foram realizados estudos de caso em quatro contratos de prestação de serviços de segurança, dois contratos para instituições financeiras e dois contratos para redes comerciais. A análise dos casos revelou que o modo como as empresas de segurança controlam internamente os seus funcionários é fortemente afetado apenas pelo controle externo realizado pelos clientes que contratam serviços de segurança no mercado. Quando os clientes remuneram contratos de prestação de serviços adequadamente e se interessam por condutas respeitosas, criam-se condições para a existência de sistemas de controle altamente estruturados e alinhados às regras públicas. O contrário também é verdade. Se os clientes não remuneram contratos adequadamente e desejam comportamentos desviantes em relação às normas públicas, o resultado tende a ser sistemas de controle interno com baixo grau de estruturação e alinhamento às regras públicas. Diante deste último cenário, a pesquisa mostrou que na maioria das situações os controles externos provenientes do órgão regulador, do Judiciário e da mídia não são capazes de atuar satisfatoriamente como última linha de defesa e correção de rumos. Esses achados apóiam as visões pessimistas presentes na literatura especializada, que vem sustentando a idéia de que existem déficits de governança e controle sobre as atividades de policiamento privado. / This work analyzes the control over Brazils private security companies and agents. The most important issue in relation to the control over private security is to know if it is possible to ensure that the policing provided by this sector is run in accordance with public rules. The only way to get security services following these rules is to ensure they are abided by the agents who perform private policing activities. Scholars of policing agree that the control mechanisms better able to produce these results are located within organizations. Taking this into consideration, the aim of this doctoral thesis is to understand the conditions under which private security companies control their employees in accordance with the public rules governing the provision of private security services in Brazil. The hypothesis that guides the study is that this control occurs when security companies realize the existence of an institutional environment in which those exerting external control over private security (customer, regulator, judiciary and media) capable of cause deviant behavior in relation to public standards are more costly for companies than the investment required to structuring internal control system able to prevent such behaviors. To evaluate this hypothesis four security services contracts underwent case studies, two from financial institutions and two contracts from department store chains. The analysis of the cases revealed that the way private security companies control internally their employees is strongly affected only by clients who hire these services. When clients adequately pay for a service contracted and they require proper care and respectful behavior, they create conditions for the existence of internal control systems highly structured and aligned to government rules. The opposite is also true. If clients do not pay for the contract properly and request a deviant behavior in relation to public standards, the result tends to be of internal control systems with a low degree of structure and alignment. In the face of this last scenario, the research showed that in most situations the external controls from the regulator, the judiciary and the media are not able to satisfactorily perform as a last line of defense and course corrections. These findings support the pessimistic views present in the literature, which have sustained the idea that there are governance deficits in activities of private policing.

I define and defend a non-democratic authority with the power to annul the decisions of democratic branches of government when such decisions infringe upon citizens’ basic rights and liberties. I refer to this non-democratic authority as Liberal Aristocracy. The argument for Liberal Aristocracy has two parts: the first part demonstrates that Liberal Aristocracy will arrive at decisions that further the moral end of sustaining citizens’ rights; the second part holds that Liberal Aristocracy is a moral means to this end. First, I discuss two existing arguments for non-democratic authorities – Platonic Aristocracy and Constitutional Court Judges. I claim that Plato’s argument is unsuccessful because it relies on controversial metaethical premises that are unlikely to provide a basis for rights. Liberal justifications of the power of Constitutional Courts are argued to be incomplete because they do not designate an authority that is qualified to decide when citizens’ rights are infringed by democratic branches of government. Nor do they show that such an authority is in fact required if citizens’ rights are to be protected. In order to supplement the liberal argument for the power of Constitutional Courts I develop an account of Liberal Aristocracy, which rests on the idea that Constitutional Court Judges should possess moral expertise. I claim that (i) moral expertise qualifies Judges to decide when citizens’ rights are violated by democratic decisions. Furthermore, I argue that (ii) decisions taken democratically will sometimes encroach on citizens’ rights. Claims (i) and (ii) are shown to justify the non-democratic authority of Liberal Aristocracy. The second part of the argument for Liberal Aristocracy examines arguments to the effect that only democratic procedures can be morally legitimate, even if other decision procedures arrive at outcomes that provide greater support for citizens’ rights. Three claims are offered in support of this idea. First, democracy is claimed to be necessary to support deliberation. Second, democracy is seen as the only procedure that can uphold the value of autonomy by securing citizens’ consent. Third, it is argued that non-democratic procedures will not recognise the equal status of citizens. I hold that these three claims are false and that Liberal Aristocratic procedures can be morally legitimate.

M.Ed. (Sociology of Education) / This study is part of a broader research project that deals with educating towards human rights. The purpose of this study was to determine the matriculants' perception of the duty of the State and the responsibility of the individual towards the State. It is also aimed at informing readers about the rights and duties of the State and individuals as far as education is concerned.

Magister Legum - LLM / The advent of the supreme Constitution signaled the beginning of an era during which the South African legal system must be intolerant to human rights violations. All laws and conduct must conform to the Constitution. If it does not then the law or conduct must be declared invalid to the extent that it is inconsistent with the Constitution. This paper questions the constitutionality of the use of deadly force against a fleeing suspect in terms of section 49 of the Criminal Procedure Act. In particular this paper sets out the circumstances in which section 49 justifies the use of deadly force against fugitives. / South Africa

ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the enduring leadership of community activists Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove from 1964 until 2015. Brayboy was one of the first African-American Deputy Voter Registrars in the state of Georgia, Bolden founded the National Domestic Workers Union and Dove was the first woman to head the department of education at Clark College. This dissertation inserts Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove into the classic Civil Rights Movement narrative by framing their community advocacy as equal to the efforts of Atlanta’s more well-known African-American leaders. This dissertation presents Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove as career-oriented professional women who were also politically savvy community activists. These three women acquired a power base that allowed them to found organizations, create programming, and develop projects dedicated to empowering Atlanta’s black community. These women achieved a level of influence typically associated with the wealthy or the political prominent. Because the three women were grassroots organizers, this study contends that the implications of their activism have been obscured because of gender, race, and class. This study seeks to foreground Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s efforts in Atlanta’s Movement narrative. In this dissertation, assessments of Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s professional contributions as acts of protest on behalf of the black community are used to undergird a critical intervention; first, their work refutes previous ideology centering the efficacy of Movement leadership (as a social movement) as grounded in mass mobilization. Secondly, their leadership was oppositional to the standard portraiture of Movement leadership as male, ministerial, and middle-class. Finally, the women’s professional and activist emphases on economic uplift, education, and enfranchisement illustrate evidence of how sustained acts of protest, led by local leadership, impacted the community. Because there is considerably less literature focused on the historical significance of black women acquiring political power outside of elected office, this study seeks to establish the women as politically significant local leadership.

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Public Law / unrestricted

This paper examines the racially segregationist practices and the integrationist, inclusionist formation of African American leader Dr. T.R.M. Howard during his tenure as a surgeon and entrepreneur in the all-black Mississippi Delta community of Mound Bayou, 1942-1956. The paper analytically investigates the careful racial negotiations that were required of Howard as he advanced a separatist but egalitarian economic and social plan for Delta blacks. This separatist plan, it is argued, is grounded in the racial pragmatism of the Seventh-day Adventist church which provided a bibliocentric, Tuskegee-inspired education to Howard from youth through medical school and beyond. Howard’s adherence to Adventist racial codes provided him with unique tools to establish financial strength and social cachet whereby he could in time shift to a more inclusionist, desegregationist focus. Howard’s separatist racial pragmatism is demonstrated in his creation of an economic power base in the 1940s. The 1950s shift to an inclusive position appears principally in three developments in Howard’s Mound Bayou career: the founding of the Regional Council for Negro Leadership, his activism after the Brown v. Board of Education decision, and his involvement in the trial of Emmett Till’s killers. Evidence is given from a number of primary sources, including both regional and national newspapers and the collected papers of Mississippi House Speaker Walter Sillers. The thesis argues that Howard’s pragmatism was both informed by Adventist racial pragmatism and provided the base whereby he could challenge Jim Crow directly; the pattern is accepting and enhancing racial segregation for the purpose of developing the means to work toward a racially inclusive, integrationist ideal. This pattern appears in Adventist evangelist practice, and it appears, with striking resemblance, in Howard’s work in Mound Bayou.

Magic City Gospel is a collection of poems that explores themes of race and identity with a special focus on racism in the American South. Many of the poems deal directly with the author’s upbringing in Birmingham, Alabama, the Magic City, and the ways in which the history of that geographical place informs the present. Magic City Gospel confronts race and identity through pop culture, history, and the author’s personal experiences as a black, Alabama-born woman. Magic City Gospel is, in part, influenced by the biting, but softly rendered truth and historical commentary of Lucille Clifton, the laid-back and inventive poetry of Terrance Hayes, the biting and unapologetically feminist poetry of Audre Lorde, and the syncopated, exact, musical poetry of Kevin Young. These and other authors like Tim Siebles, Gwendolyn Brooks, and Major Jackson influence poems as they approach the complicated racial and national identity of the author.