Clementine scholarship acknowledges Clement's doctrine of the Incarnation and generally maintains that for Clement the divine Logos assumed human flesh. However, because of Clement's complex logology and three passages suggesting a docetic interpretation of Christ's flesh, scholars tend to move away from addressing the Incarnation and treat either the metaphysics of the multiple logoi theory or the question of Clement's Docetism, or both. Because of this diversion in research, there remains a gap in the literature around Clement's teachings about the Incarnation. This thesis begins to fill the gap by explaining Clement's view of the Incarnation, which he connects to the emergent ‘exchange' doctrine, envisaged as a divine mission. It situates Clement as an heir of the apostolic tradition while he engages with Greek philosophy and Gnostic belief. The research delineates Clement's gnostic tradition, which he considered faithful to the Old Testament and to the teachings of the apostles. The investigation collates Clement's usage of John 1:14 and the term ginomai linked with Logos, anthropos, and sarx. It examines Clement's discussion in Stromateis VII.2, where he claims the Logos assumed flesh susceptible to suffering, emotions, and physical sensibilities. In Clement's teachings, the Logos became both anthropos and sarx so that anthropos might become theos. This thesis outlines Clement's usage of the terms parousia and epiphaneia (appearing), showing they are consequential to the Incarnation. Clement presents the Logos as Saviour, who conquers malevolent powers and death to release humankind from corruption through his sufferings from birth to the cross. Clement also presents the Logos as a Teacher, who during his parousia, interprets precisely the Old Testament, and in his appearing, discloses true gnosis, which guides anthropos to godliness. The evidence demonstrates that Clement bases his path for assimilation to God upon the Incarnation of the Logos.

Le phénomène de laïcisation, qui, dans nos sociétés occidentales, cherche à s’affranchir du sacré, a contribué à l’émergence d’une figuration de l’humain au centre de l’univers. Malgré ce progrès, perdurent aujourd’hui, sur le terrain même de la laïcité, des traces du sacré qui induisent des tensions entre foi et savoir. Deux universaux, qui légitimement s’attirent et se repoussent, interrogent plus fondamentalement l’humain, allant jusqu’à remettre en question l’élaboration ontologique dont il a fait l’objet. Un constat qui pose le diagnostic de sa propre fin. En effet, la question de l’anthropos persiste malgré tout à s’articuler à l’intérieur de la tradition de la religion. Si la modernité, notamment amorcée par l’anthropologie kantienne, pose les premières tentatives d’une émancipation du sacré en prônant l’autonomie de la raison, il reste que l’idéal de cet humain, dit laïc, ne renonce pas vraiment au monde de Dieu. Et, pour cause, il se représente toujours sur le terrain de la laïcité en contraste avec l’humain religieux. Cherchant à dépasser les résistances relatives au monde de Dieu, je propose de faire émerger et de se représenter, au travers d’une expérience de la pensée, l’humain laïc par-delà le geste interprétatif imposé par l’institutionnalisation de la religion. Je remonte donc aux premières traces de l’humain qui persistent dans ses testaments, ses métarécits, avant tout humain. Des testaments qu’on pourrait croire oubliés, mais non perdus. Je remonte comme un archéologue de la langue au moment des premières nominations dans l’écriture qui surgissent de la Genèse. À ces Écritures qui, en définitive, viennent aussi rappeler que le syndrome de Babel plonge toujours l’humain dans sa propre dissémination, celle de son nom propre. Surgit la nécessité de se traduire comme une oeuvre, à nouveau, dans sa propre langue, pour survivre. Se traduire, pour « se savoir » humain, plutôt pour « se savoir anthropos ». Pour en comprendre la tâche, j’ai convoqué trois anciens : Paul de Tarse, Sénèque et Clément d’Alexandrie. J’ai scruté et croisé les mises en scène des nominations de l’humain à partir des occurrences du mot « anthropos » et « homo » dans l’écriture en écartant le plus possible le prisme interprétatif imposé par l’institutionnalisation de la religion. Je me suis inspiré d’un dispositif interprétatif stoïcien à partir d’Épictète pour faire surgir, au travers d’une mise en dialogue de ces trois anciens, la traduction d’un humain laïc. Une traduction qui relève d’une anthropologie du bonheur fondée sur la cohérence des disciplines du jugement, du désir et de l’action. Une traduction, certes, mais aussi une expérience d’écriture qui a amené à penser, en dernière instance, qu’au demeurant, avant la lettre, il y a lieu de penser l’émergence d’un anthropos, ni profane, ni sacré, ni religieux, ni laïque, qu’il y a lieu de « se savoir » anthropos. / The secularization phenomenon, which in our western societies seeks to free itself from the sacred, has contributed to the emergence of a human figuration at the centre of the universe. Despite this progress, traces of the sacred that induce tensions between faith and knowledge continue to prevail today within secularization. These two universal concepts, which legitimately attract and repel each other, fundamentally question the human, to the point of putting into question the human’s underlying ontology. An observation that poses its own diagnosis. In fact, the question of the anthropos continues to articulate itself within the tradition of religion. If modernity, initiated by Kantian anthropology, poses the first attempts of an emancipation of the sacred by advocating the autonomy of reason, this idealized secular human does not renounce the world of God. And with good reason, as it is always represented as secular in contrast with the human of the religious sphere. Seeking to overcome all forms of resistance regarding the divine dimension, I propose letting the human emerge and come to be represented by means of a thought experiment that extends beyond the interpretative gesture imposed by the institutionalization of religion. I will go back to the first traces of the human that persist in early documents and texts that precede the concept of human as we understand it. This legacy may have been forgotten, but it was not lost. In the manner of an archaeologist of languages, I return to the first moments of naming in writing that takes place in Genesis. In these writings, which recall the event of Babel that plunges the human into the dissemination of its proper name, emerges the need for the human being to translate itself anew, as a work, in its own language, just to survive. Translate itself in order to know itself as human rather than as "anthropos". To understand the modalities of this task, I’ve brought together the ancient thinkers Paul of Tarsus, Seneca, and Clement of Alexandria. In analyzing these writings, I have scrutinized and cross-referenced the nominations of the human from the occurrences of the words "anthropos" and "homo", while avoiding as much as possible the interpretive prism imposed by the institutionalization of religion. I sought inspiration from a stoic interpretive framework deriving from Epictetus to create, through dialogue with these three ancient thinkers, the translation of the secular human. A translation that stems from the anthropology of happiness based on the coherence of the disciplines of judgment, desire and action. A translation, has ultimately led to thinking that, avant la lettre, before writing, there is a way to think the emergence of anthropos, neither profane, sacred, religous or secular, that there is a way to "know oneself" as anthropos.

The goal of the theses is to interpret a selected work of A. Lindgren in a theological way. Methodology of the practical part is built on the broad context of early Christian inculturation (interpretation of ancient culture in the Patristic Tradition, introduced in the work of Hugo Rahner), and of the modern philosophical-theological interpretation of secular culture (interpretation of Don Juan in the work of Karel Vrána). The personality of the author A. Lindgren is then described, with emphasis on certain biographical facts which are particularly important for the goal of the theses. The work of German theologian Thomas Vogel is introduced in the Czech environment for the first time. Thomas Vogel is well-known for his Christian interpretations of A. Lindgren?s books. In the final part the author interprets the book Mio, My Son from christological, ecclesiological and eschatological point of view.

This thesis seeks to answer the question of the origin of some of the most fundamental additions made to early Christian baptism. Christian baptism began in a relatively simple liturgical form, but became, by the fourth century, a much more dramatic set of initiation rituals. Among the added elements to baptism were washing ceremonies in the nude, physical anointing with oil, being marked or signed with the cross on the forehead, and receiving white garments. Scholars have proposed different theories as to the origins of these baptismal rituals. Some claim the elements existed in the New Testament practice of the rite. Others have supposed that the Christian church adopted the elements from either the Jewish synagogue or from contemporary pagan modes of initiation. This thesis argues that the initiation rituals of the Israelite tabernacle and temple provide a much more likely source for the added elements of Christian baptism. The esoteric practices of the temple priests became the esoteric tradition of early Christianity. The rites of this temple-oriented esoteric tradition in both the Old and New Testaments parallel, and may have been the origin for, the evolutions made to Christian baptism during the third and fourth centuries of the church. Christian groups such as the Valentinians provide evidence of higher esoteric rites being interpreted as baptism. Somehow the esoteric rites of the Israelite temple and the esoteric rites of early Christianity were adopted into the practice of Christian baptism.

The aim of the thesis is to determine the influence exerted by the heads of the Catechetical School (Didaskaleion) in Alexandria on the growth and development of Christianity in Africa prior to the Arab invasion in 642 CE in Egypt. The methodological tool used is the Historical Method. Chapter 1 contains a discussion of the founding and development of the city of Alexandria through its Golden Era and until the Arab invasion in 642 CE. This city played an important role in the development of Christianity as it is there that the early Christians (the "followers of Christ's teachings") settled and established their faith. Chapter 2 deals with the founding of the Didaskaleion as an addition to the other big schools/"universities" in the city, for example the Musaion (also called the Museion), the Serapium (also called the Serapeum) and the Sebastion. All the possible heads of the School are discussed in order to get a full picture of the School and her activities during the time. In Chapter 3 all the extant and lost documents written by the heads of the School are discussed to provide insight into the formation of the Theology of the School and the contributions of her various heads. Chapter 4 constitutes the pinnacle of the thesis and depicts the influence of the School on the known parts of Africa – to the west and the south of Alexandria – during the first seven centuries CE (until the Arab invasion in 642). The influence is described at two levels: Influence, where mentioned by a specific writer, is called factual influence and includes personal influence. • Influence that is not mentioned but observed, is called derived influence. As there is ample evidence that the (heads of the) School exerted both factual and derived influence on the people in Africa, the conclusion can be drawn that the School and her heads played a significant role in the growth and development of Christianity in Africa. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church history)

L'opera presenta una nuova edizione critica del testo greco degli "Estratti da Teodoto" di Clemente Alessandrino oltre alla prima traduzione italiana completa. Alcuni capitoli introduttivi e un esteso commento permettono di apprezzare la ricchezza di contenuti di questa fonte di inizio III sec. per lo studio dello gnosticismo, letteratura cristiana antica, patristica e storia del dogma. Gli "Estratti da Teodoto" non sono una raccolta di frammenti originali copiati da fonti gnostiche principalmente valentiniane, come si crede abitualmente. Ad un'analisi approfondita essi appaiono come una collezione di tredici frammenti tratti dalle "Ipotiposi", un'opera perduta di Clemente. La natura e il contenuto di questi frammenti mostrano che la tradizionale suddivisione degli ETh in quattro sezioni (Sagnard) non è ricevibile. Deve pure essere abbandonato il tentativo di individuare precisamente le parti 'valentiniane' e 'clementine'. Clemente riporta raramente citazioni letterali tratte dalle sue fonti, mentre molto spesso presenta le dottrine 'eterodosse' in modo indiretto, proponendo delle sintesi ('epitomes'). Nella prima parte degli ETh Clemente presenta e discute soprattutto dottrine valentiniane, probabilmente 'orientali'. Tuttavia, a partire principalmente dal frammento 11 illustra il pensiero di Teodoto. Costui sembra abbia sviluppato e modificato dottrine del valentinianesimo 'occidentale', come dimostra il confronto con la 'Grande Notizia' di Ireneo. / The work presents a new critical edition of the greek text of "Excerpta ex Theodoto" of Clement of Alexandria together with the first complete Italian translation. Some introductory chapters and an extensive commentary allow you to appreciate the richness of the contents of this early third century source for the study of Gnosticism, ancient Christian literature, patristic and history of dogma. The ETh are not a collection of original fragments copied from Gnostic sources mainly valentinian, as believed to routinely. For an in-depth analysis they appear to be a compilation of thirteen fragments from "Hypotyposeis", lost work of Clement. The nature and extent of these fragments show that the traditional division of the ETh in four sections is unacceptable. It must also be abandoned the attempt to accurately identify 'valentinian' and 'clementinian' parts. Clement shows a few quotes verbatim from his sources. Very often shows 'heterodox' doctrines indirectly proposing summaries ('epitomes'). In the first part of the collection Clement presents and discusses especially valentinian doctrines, probably 'eastern'. Instead, starting mainly from the fragment 11, he presents the Theodotus thought. He seems develope and modify doctrines of 'western' valentinianism, as demonstrated by the comparison with the 'Great Notice' of Irenaeus.

Ce travail de recherche est une généalogie de la notion de « désir sexuel » telle qu'elle fut conçue dans le christianisme antique du IIIe au Ve siècle. À partir de la distinction entre deux anthropologies concurrentes, nous cherchons à reconstituer les modalités selon lesquelles ce désir a été pensé comme une pulsion irrésistible. Nous nous inscrivons donc dans la tradition des études de genre puisque nous posons la question de savoir s'il existe, au fondement des catégorisations sociales et des modes de légitimation du pouvoir, une forme de naturalité irréductible. Notre objectif est de mettre en évidence, d'une part, en quoi l'idée de désir naturel est une forme de problématisation contingente du désir sexuel et, d'autre, part, les conséquences de cette façon de penser. Entre le IIIe et le Ve siècle, les auteurs chrétiens s'opposent en ce qui concerne la question des capacités humaines. Pour les « perfectionnistes », l'homme est capable d'accéder par ses propres forces à la perfection. Par conséquent, le « monde » est pensé par eux comme un ensemble de liens qui entravent l'itinéraire spirituel du sujet. La solitude du « désert » apparaît alors dans ce cadre problématique comme un moyen d'accéder à la liberté. Au contraire, pour les « défaillantistes », l'homme est par nature infirme, si bien que la perfection est conçue non plus comme ce à quoi il peut lui-même accéder, mais comme un don de Dieu. En soulignant que l'homme n'est pas le maître dans sa propre maison puisqu'il ne peut maîtriser sa libido, Augustin montre que sa libération n'est envisageable qu'au prix de sa soumission à des institutions coercitives ayant pour fonction de compenser sa faiblesse. Proposant une forme originale de problématisation de la nature humaine en naturalisant la pulsion sexuelle, le défaillantisme chrétien permet donc de justifier la soumission des hommes. En faisant la généalogie du désir sexuel, ce travail s'emploie à montrer que la liberté ne requiert pas seulement une critique de l'idée de répression, mais une remise en cause plus fondamentale du modèle naturaliste de la pulsion. / This thesis is a genealogical study of the notion of “sexual desire” as it appeared in Ancient Christianity from the 3rd to the 5th century. Distinguishing between two competing anthropologies, it seeks to reconstruct the modalities according to which this desire has been understood as a compelling drive. It is in line with gender studies in so far as it asks the question of whether there is, at the basis of social categories and justifications of power, a form of irreducible naturality. The purpose here is, on one hand, to show that the notion of natural desire derives from a contingent problematization of sexual desire and, on the other hand, to highlight the consequences of this reasoning. Between the 3rd and 5th centuries, Christian authors opposed one another on the question of human capabilities. For the “perfectionists,” man was able to achieve perfection on his own. Consequently, they saw the “world” as full of bonds hindering the subject's spiritual progress. In this context, being alone in the “desert” appeared as a means to achieve freedom. On the contrary, the “defaultists” held that man was naturally flawed, so that perfection was not thought to be an achievable goal any more, but a gift from God. Underlining that man was no master in his own house because he could not master his own libido, Augustine showed that his liberation could only depend on his submitting to coercive institutions designed to compensate for his weakness. Offering an original problematization of human nature by naturalizing the sexual drive, Christian defaultism could thus justify the submission of men. By tracing a genealogy of sexual desire, this study seeks to demonstrate that freedom does not only require criticizing the idea of repression, but more radically questionning the naturalist model of the drive.

Biblical scholars have grown increasingly aware of the importance of looking at texts not only in their historical or literary contexts, but also in their socio-cultural contexts. Many studies have shown that honour and shame were core social values in the ancient Mediterranean world. By scrutinizing the available research on the topic of honour and shame, one realizes that there were indeed four major social values in the Mediterranean world, that is i) honour and shame, ii) patronage and reciprocity, iii) kinship and iv) purity. Modern biblical scholars would often appeal to the works of the classical authors in order to show how important these values were in the ancient world. Unfortunately claims that are being made in modern studies concerning honour and shame are usually based on the biblical and classical writings. These scholars seldom consult patristic writings. In this study it is argued that the ancient Church Fathers were indeed aware of these social values. The four social values mentioned above are taken as a basis to unlock the social context of Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogue. It illustrates the importance of understanding the core social values of the Mediterranean society in order to interpret the theology of the early Church Fathers. / Thesis (DLitt (Greek))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Ancient Languages / unrestricted