Les systèmes d’échange de quotas d’émission (SEQEs) sont un instrument de régulation environnementale important et ont un rôle clef à jouer dans la réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre pour l’atténuation du changement climatique. Cette thèse a une double orientation : les liaisons spatiales entre SEQEs d'une part et les échanges inter-temporels au sein d’un SEQE d'autre part.Les liaisons entre SEQEs peuvent aider à établir un futur cadre de politique climatique mondiale coût-efficient. Cependant, ces liaisons sont difficiles à mettre en place et à ce jour, peu nombreuses. Dans un premier temps, à l’aide d’un modèle simple et unifié et en se basant sur des expériences réelles de SEQEs, nous comparons différentes restrictions à l’échange comme éléments facilitants une transition vers le libre échange de quotas. Dans un deuxième temps, nous construisons un modèle qui décrit et caractérise analytiquement les effets et gains associés à des liaisons multilatérales sous incertitude. Ensuite, le modèle est calibré sur émissions historiques de différentes juridictions pour illustrer les déterminants des préférences de liaison.Les SEQEs sont sujets à de l’incertitude réglementaire, ce qui peut affaiblir leurs efficience coût dynamique et signal prix de long terme. La prévalence d’une telle incertitude peut être assimilée à une situation d’ambiguïté. Nous analysons alors les décisions inter-temporelles d’entités couvertes par un SEQE et averses à l’ambiguïté puis caractérisons les distorsions induites sur le fonctionnement du système. Nous discutons enfin de l’éclairage apportés par ces résultats en rapport aux observations faites dans les SEQEs existants. / Emissions Trading Systems (ETSs) are an important instsrument in regulating pollution and have a key role to play in reducing greenhouse gas emissions to mitigate climate change. This dissertation has a twin focus: spatial linkages between ETSs at a point in time and intertemporal trading within an ETS.Linkages between ETSs are crucial for cost-effectiveness of the future climate policy architecture. Complete linkages, however, are difficult to agree and to date, few and far between. Here, our contribution is twofold. First, using a simple and unified model and drawing on experiences with real-world ETSs, we compare alternative trade restrictions on bilateral linkages in facilitating the transition to an unrestricted link. Second, we provide a general model to describe and analytically characterize the effects and gains from multilateral linkages under uncertainty. The model is then calibrated to historical emissions of real-world jurisdictions to illustrate the determinants of linkage preferences.ETSs are subject to regulatory uncertainty, which can disrupt dynamic cost-effectiveness and undermine their long-term price signal. The prevalence of regulatory uncertainty can be assimilated to a situation of ambiguity. Here, our contribution is to analyze regulated entities’ intertemporal decisions under ambiguity aversion, characterize the induced distortions in market functioning, and discuss how these can help explain observations from existing ETSs.

The influence of the Federal Republic of Germany in development of the European Union environmental policy is dealing with promoting of German environmental policy within the European Union in a broad context with the focus on EU institutions and national political system. The German approach to environmental policy is shaped by strategy of European countries that are influencing EU environmental policy. That chosen strategies were developed by Liefferink and Andersen. The stress is put on the analysis of embedding of environmental policy within political system, institutions and within various actors. Part of the research is climatic policy denominated as a main topic of environmental policy of the last days. Key words environmental policy, environmental politics, the European Union and Germany, climate policy, strategy of environmental pioneers, Liefferink Duncan, Andersen Mikael Skou

The thesis analyses the state of the United Kingdom's climate policies and it particularly focuses on the question, how these policies are determined by its institutional system, that is majoritarian democracy. Theoretically majoritarian democracies generally have a weaker record in the environmental policy and the thesis aims to research, if and how the features of majoritarian democracies in reality influence the policy outcomes. The thesis focuses on the two party system, that often produces adversary and inconsistent politics and the pluralist system of the interest groups that tends to give better possibilities to the economically powerful actors such as business and energy groups. The base for the analysis will be the climate policies during the last twenty years and the performance and general discours of two main governing parties. Thesis also takes a closer look on the cases of Climate Change Act and Energy Act 2015 and their ability of the interest groups to achieve their goals. The thesis concludes that the combination of the institutional system with the low salience of the topic for the main parties poses significant obstacles and limitations to an active and progressive climate politics.

Framing Climate Policies: Discourse Analysis of Carbon Pricing Debates in Canada and Australia Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze and compare the discourses of Stephen Harper and Tony Abbot during federal election campaigns where climate policies played an unusually important role (2008 in Canada and 2013 in Australia). The study builds on a hypothesis, that according to the post-materialist theory and the Environmental Kuznets Curve, such economically advanced, democratic countries as Canada and Australia should be at the vanguard of climate action. However, in reality they are some of the worst performers when it comes to tackling carbon emissions. Both Harper and Abbott publicly promised to put in serious efforts to tackle climate change. However, when the question of setting a national price on carbon came up for discussion during the above-mentioned election campaigns, they both not only opposed it, but even tried to discredit it by framing the whole debate in overwhelmingly negative terms. In order to uncover what kind of frames and other discursive strategies the two politicians used to shape the debate, critical discourse analysis was applied to their public statements on the policy of carbon tax. Results of this analysis show that they used all of the frames that are typically associated...

Social tipping in Swedish Parliamentary Debate on Climate Change can access transformative policy pathways to realise safe and just futures for all. In this thesis, social tipping processes is applied as a theory of social change to understand, identify, and navigate such instances of abrupt self-reinforcing change. The aim is to describe topics of the Swedish Parliamentary Debate on Climate Change 2010-2021, understand how political salience affects the structure of debate, and identify barriers and enablers for social tipping in parliamentary debate. In this pursuit, a mixed-methods approach based on computational content analysis is applied to study patterns emerging from two natural language processing models, a deep learning classifier and a Structural Topic Model. The results indicate that the last decade was decisive to diversifying the parliamentary debate on climate change beyond energy politics, as contemporary debate has a broader focus on the green transition of industry and transportation. Since early 2018, the intensity of debate has doubled from 2.5% to 5% of parliamentary debate, plausibly due to increased issue contention between governing parties and coalitions. Two case studies of politically salient topics, climate targets (16) and energy politics (22), indicate that social tipping in parliamentary debate is a complex and context dependent social process. The political consensus on Sweden’s long-term goals carries transformative potential, however, as climate issues are increasingly contested there is an increased risk of policy lock-ins. To facilitate social tipping, parliamentarians should transcend imaginary lock-ins to the status quo by promoting global diffusion of stringent net-zero targets and inclusive and fair policies for the green transition. / What makes effective climate policy politically feasible? Formas-ID 2020-00175

This master thesis called "The German energy policy in the context of the foreign policy of the FRG" deals with the energy policy and its transfer abroad. The aim of this study is to answer the questions, whether Germany makes efforts to transfer its policy, whether the transfer occurs and, if so, what kind of actors are actively involved in it, what type of transfer it is and what is the result. The first part is dedicated to the theoretical frame of the topic, especially to the concept of policy transfer, which is the main theoretical pillar of this work. The second part deals with the formation of the German energy policy at the domestic level - with the historical and social context, the motives for eventual policy transfer and the attitudes of key actors: German government (with an emphasis on the Chancellor), political parties and industry. The next two chapters are devoted to the policy transfer on the bilateral level to the neighbouring Czech Republic and on the multilateral level to the European Union. It turns out that the roots of "Energiewende" can be found in the historical development of Germany and the main features of this policy have a consensual support of the key actors on the German level. Germany is a pioneer of a new energy policy model, whose success is however not yet...

L'appel croissant à la mise en œuvre d'une politique climatique ambitieuse et globale devrait détério-rer les perspectives économiques des pays dépendants du pétrole. Cette thèse étudie les impacts économiques de cette transition bas-carbone ainsi que les stratégies d'atténuation possibles pour le premier exportateur de pétrole: le Royaume d'Arabie Saoudite (AS). Nous proposons une applica-tion utilisant un modèle intégré économie-énergie-environnement qui prend en compte les spécifici-tés de l’économie saoudienne comme l’ancrage de son taux de change ou encore les prix d’énergies administrés.Premièrement, en utilisant une représentation agrégée de l’économie saoudienne, nous montrons qu’un prix du pétrole plus faible résultant de la transition bas-carbone mondiale résulte en un taux de croissance marginalement bas, des excédents commerciaux significativement réduits et à un chô-mage plus élevé. Nous analysons la portée des outils dont dispose l’AS pour atténuer les impacts des politiques climatiques sur son économie. Nous estimons que l'alignement des prix de l'énergie saou-diens sur les références internationales ainsi que l’augmentation des gains d'efficacité énergétique fournissent à l’AS des sources de revenus supplémentaires. Ce cadre de modélisation permet de tes-ter des scénarios prospectifs tout en contrôlant leurs spécifications macroéconomiques.Ensuite, nous mettons en perspective ces spécifications dans un cadre multisectoriel afin d'étudier les stratégies de diversification émanant des contributions prévues déterminées au niveau national (INDC) ainsi que son programme stratégique Vision 2030. Nous concluons que la diversification économique dans les secteurs à faible intensité énergétique (industrie manufacturière, tourisme et services financiers) en augmentant les exportations et la substitution des importations, en plus de réformer l'impôt sur les sociétés offre une perspective positive par rapport à une expansion continue des industries à forte intensité énergétique (minéraux, pétrochimie et ciment). En effet, nous mon-trons que la diversification dans les secteurs à faible intensité énergétique génère une croissance plus forte et un chômage plus faible. En outre, dans le cadre de ce scénario de diversification écono-mique, l’AS dépasse ses engagements climatiques en termes de réduction des émissions de CO2. Néanmoins, l’expansion des secteurs à forte intensité énergétique résulte en une meilleure perspec-tive de la dette publique puisque le gouvernement tire des revenus plus élevés de ses participations dans les industries lourdes. Enfin, nous concluons que dans nos deux scénarios, l’AS n’atteint que partiellement ses ambitions de transition vers une économie moins dépendante du pétrole dans le cadre du programme Vision 2030, ce qui suggère que de nouvelles réformes doivent être envisagées.Cette thèse contribue à la littérature sur l’implémentation d’une politique climatique et ses consé-quences économiques pour les pays exportateurs pétrole. Notre travail fournit des estimations sur les réformes économiques à entreprendre comme stratégies d'atténuation et pourrait donc être adapté pour couvrir d'autres pays et sources d’énergie. / The increasing call for implementing a global and ambitious climate policy is expected to deteriorate economic outlook of oil-dependent countries. Our research work investigates the impact of this global low-carbon transition and the potential mitigation strategies for the largest oil exporter: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). We propose an application using an integrated economy-energy-environment modelling framework taking into account salient features of the Saudi economy such as the currency peg and the regulated domestic energy prices.First, using an aggregated representation of the KSA economy, we show that a weaker oil price re-sulting from the global low-carbon transition is associated with a marginally lower growth, large trade surplus accumulation loss, and higher unemployment for the KSA. We analyse what scope the KSA has to mitigate climate policy impacts. We reveal that aligning domestic energy prices with international references and achieving energy efficiency gains increases economic efficiency while improving public budget prospects. This modelling framework allows to investigate scenarios while controlling the modelling macroeconomic specifications.We refine these outlooks in a mulstisector framework that further allows investigating diversifica-tion opportunities within the Saudi Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) and its Vision 2030 program. We conclude that economic diversification into non energy-intensive sectors (manufacture, tourism, and financial services) through increasing exports and import substitution, in addition to targeting fiscal adjustments of the corporate tax, provide a positive outlook compared with a continuous expansion of energy-intensive activities (minerals, petrochemical, and cement). Indeed, we show that diversification in non-energy intensive sector generates higher growth, and lower unemployment. In addition, under our designed economic diversification plan, the KSA ex-ceeds its climate pledges in terms of targeted CO2 abatement. Nevertheless, the continuous expan-sion of energy-intensive industries is associated with a better outlook for the public debt since the government derives higher revenues from its participation in energy-intensive industries. Finally, we conclude that in our two scenarios, the KSA only partially succeeds in its transition toward a less oil-dependent economy as part of the Vision 2030 program, suggesting that further reforms are to be considered.This thesis contributes to the literature on climate policy implementation and associated economic consequences for fossil-fuel exporters. It provides insights on economic reforms as mitigation strate-gies and could be thus adapted to cover additional countries and fuels.

This thesis analysis the impact of private road transport under emission trading using two different Computable General Equilibrium models. A static multi-region model with special emphasis on the European Union, addresses the welfare impact of road transport under the European Emission Trading System. Including terms-of-trade effects, this model does not account for congestion which is the main externality of road transport. Furthermore, technological details of electricity generation which are an important factor in evaluating climate policies are not included. Therefore, the second model is a static Small Open Economy model of the German economy including congestion effects and detailed technological characteristics of electricity generation. The results of both models highlight the important role of already existing taxes on transport fuels for the evaluation of carbon mitigation measures in road transportation.

The global consensus is that the ongoing global warming is unsustainable and that human activity is responsible. The 2015 Paris Agreement aims to keep the Earth's average temperature below 2 degrees and ideally not more than 1.5 degrees. However, currently, we are losing this fight as greenhouse gas emissions and the Earth's average temperature continue to increase. Sweden has embraced its responsibility to lead the transition towards sustainability and has set the world's most ambitious climate goals. However, the new government in 2022 appears to have put Sweden's climate policy on the back burner, causing concern among environmentalists and the general public as Sweden's ambitious climate goals are at risk of not being met. This essay examines the reasons for the climate skepticism of right-wing populism in Sweden, a country known for its leadership in environmental issues. The conclusion is that the reasons for the climate skepticism of the right-wing populist party in Sweden (SD) are primarily based on ideological values. This conclusion is based on the analysis of how SD frames and argues about the climate issue, which is a consequence of their ideology. This essay discusses the political and societal challenges in achieving Sweden's climate goals and the potential consequences of not meeting these targets, particularly in the context of right-wing populism.

Sondage post-électoral de l'élection canadienne de 2019 / Ce mémoire vise à comprendre la place que la lutte aux changements climatiques a occupée lors de l’élection fédérale de 2019, considérée par plusieurs comme ayant déterminé par l’attitude des électeurs à propos des changements climatiques. Il analyse la relation entre le comportement électoral et les ramifications climatiques, incarnée par les enjeux de la taxe carbone et les oléoducs, qui clivent la classe politique et qui ont servi d’explication à la suite de la victoire du Parti libéral du Canada de Justin Trudeau. Certains commentateurs politiques – d’Ouest en Est - ont avancé que pour la première fois dans l’histoire canadienne, une élection canadienne a été le théâtre d’un référendum sur les changements climatiques. D’autres ont annoncé le grand gagnant de l’élection ne fût pas tant le gouvernement sortant de Justin Trudeau, et encore moins la formation conservatrice défaite dirigée par Andrew Scheer, mais bien celle de de la taxe carbone adoptée par le gouvernement fédéral dans le Cadre pancanadien sur la croissance propre et les changements climatiques en 2017. / This paper aims to understand the place that the climate change took in the 2019 federal election, considered by many to have determined voters' attitudes to climate change. It analyzes the relationship between electoral behavior and climate ramifications, embodied in the carbon tax and oil pipeline issues that split the political class and served as an explanation for the victory of Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party of Canada. Some political commentators from West to East argued that for the first time in Canadian history, a Canadian election was the scene of a referendum on climate change. Others announced that the big winner of the election was notJustin Trudeau's outgoing government, nor the defeated Conservative formation led by Andrew Scheer, but the carbon tax adopted by the federal government in the 2017 Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change.