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This dissertation articulates the Federal Republic of Germany’s critical role in establishing and sustaining the modern multinational European aviation sector. It demonstrates how Bonn employed its 1959 acquisition of the Lockheed F-104G Starfighter combat aircraft to take advantage of the Eisenhower administration’s efforts to reduce the US military presence in Europe and achieve strategic goals of military, political, and economic primacy within NATO through multinational cooperation and consortium building. In fostering the European Starfighter consortiums and their successors, West Germany embraced a leadership role that saw it build one of NATO’s largest air forces and become a primary political and economic driver of the continent’s multinational military-aviation projects. This dissertation is predicated on intensive archival research conducted in Germany, Belgium, and the United States. This work employs economic, political, and military historical lenses of analysis to argue that the Starfighter’s legacy represents a long-term success that allowed the Federal Republic to leverage a role of normalized leadership within a decade of joining NATO, boost its moribund aviation sector, and take a leading role in contemporary multinational aviation concerns such as the Panavia Tornado, Eurofighter Typhoon, and Airbus Space and Defense. / History

Russia's invasion of Ukraine, with increased tensions between East and West as a result, has, after a period of relative calm, led to a situation reminiscent of the days of the Cold War. A situation where Europe is once again torn between two power poles under threat of nuclear war in a way reminiscent of the time leading up to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Although development can be said to require the absence of history repeating itself , it is undeniably easy to think of this event and its consequences. The purpose of the study is to investigate how the case of the Berlin Wall is presented in ten textbooks for upper secondary school published 1992–2019, if the presentation has changed over time and if so, how. To investigate this, a qualitative text analysis has been made of the source material. Two theories have been used. The first is the use of history, where Karlsson's typology has been used to analyze this. The second is history awareness to analyze how the view of the fall of the Berlin Wall has become history and how this affects the view of the present and future in the textbooks. The results show that it is possible to distinguish two themes in the textbooks. The first is an emphasis on economic perspectives between 1992–2001 and the second is an emphasis on democracy in the textbooks written 2007-2019. Furthermore, the result shows that the use of scientific history occurs in all history textbooks, the political-pedagogical occurs in half. The ideological use of history appears only in two textbooks in the first part of the study.

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<p>  </p> <p>ABSTRACT</p> <p>This thesis examines Portuguese-U.S. relations in a global context from the early years of the Cold War to the start of Portugal’s Colonial Wars. Portuguese and U.S. policymakers came together pursuing varying levels of Western integration to resist the spread of Communism internationally, cooperating to different extents in emerging international organizations such as NATO, and the United Nations. This shared desire for Communist containment which brought the two nations together was frequently undermined by their contradictory ambitions with respect to decolonization, with U.S. desires for nationalist self-determination across the third world running contrary to Portuguese imperial ambitions from Western Africa to Southern China. These contradictory agendas undermined the bilateral relationship and are examined here in how they manifested in both countries’ foreign policies and actions undertaken in post-war international organizations.</p>

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This dissertation offers a social history of death in post-World War II New York City and the ways in which social changes in the city shaped ideas about death, dying, and health among New Yorkers. During the period between 1946 and 1959, the city landscape would dramatically evolve as a result of new developments including changing disease patterns, increased prosperity, and anxiety over the unfolding Cold War. These changes were also instrumental in shaping how New Yorkers understood their mortality: death became an increasingly complex experience that could be interpreted and managed through advances in medical technology and individual efforts to stay healthy. Against the backdrop of the Cold War, health became an increasingly important arena to assert the power of the United States to the global world and death was designated as an unwanted outcome that was inevitable but not necessarily uncontrollable. Spurred on by the newfound significance given to the health of citizens, various actors such as the life insurance industry, cancer advocacy groups, and city health officials shifted the discourse on death by rejecting undue fatalism and highlighting human effort in preventing premature death. Drawing upon a wide array of archival sources that range from social service reports of terminal patients to annual reports of life insurance companies, this dissertation sheds light on how death became a complex conceptual construction that was commodified and modernized in the postwar period. The dissertation also explores the questions of social worth, namely whose lives mattered and whose deaths were concerning, and to whom these distinctions carried weight. The attempts to prolong the lives of individuals whose labor would contribute to society became a primary goal in post-WWII America, and these notions continue to shape contemporary public health debates in triaging the lives of people.

After the signing of the Cultural Exchange Agreement in 1958, exhibitions of culture and technology were exchanged between the Soviet Union and the United States. These exhibitions continued to be exchanged well into the 1980s. This paper focuses on comment books from seven of these cultural exchange exhibitions, five in the Soviet Union and two in Eastern Europe, in the years between 1961 and 1976. The public nature of the comment books and the way they were treated by visitors made them a space for expressions of popular opinions over the issues of public policy and ideology. As such, they provide contemporary historians with a unique glimpse into the mindset of ordinary Soviet and Eastern European citizens during the Cold War. Based on the evidence from the comment books, and using methods elaborated by cultural anthropologists, this study shows that challenged by the display of apparent American superiority, most Soviet visitors preferred to fall back on the official ideology which claimed the moral superiority of their system. In the 1960s and early 1970s, the Soviet citizens experienced an upswing in communist morale, expressed a desire to compete with America and a conviction that their system will ultimately prevail over capitalism. However, to what extent such declarations should be accepted at their face value as sincere expressions of Soviet citizens‟ deep-seated convictions and to what extent they should be seen as situational responses to the perceived humiliation at the hands of foreigners remains unclear. While most Soviet visitors were defensive, invested in their ideology, and competitive with America, their reactions were not monolithic. Some of them were clearly fascinated by American consumer products and expressed an envious yearning to get possession of them, iv others stressed their openness to cultural exchange. There were apparently sincere expressions of support to the policy of détente, and of outrage over the Vietnam War. The Soviet visitors were aware of the unrest in American society caused by the civil rights movement, but were uninformed of the profound changes effected by this movement. Members of non-Russian minorities were interested in American ethnic diversity and sometimes implied their dislike of Moscow treatment of non-Russian nationalities. Eastern Europeans were less defensive and more open to American society and culture than the Soviets. Still, some of them also expressed procommunist sentiments and national pride. There was one issue, however, on which the Soviets and Eastern were clearly more in tune with American popular culture than with their own governments: consumerism and the sentiment of entitlement to the high quality goods that Americans had access to while they did not. It was on this issue that the eastern bloc regimes were facing the greatest threat.