Thesis (M.A.)--University of Saskatchewan, 2005. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Apr. 26, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-117).

Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, surtout à partir du début des années 1960, et jusqu’à la fin des années 1980, plusieurs projets de recherche sur le futur ont été menés par des équipes internationales avec pour objectif la promotion d’une « conscience globale », soit un sentiment d'appartenance à une communauté humaine unique partageant un destin commun. Cette thèse examine certains de ces projets, en particulier ceux qui sont menés au sein d’organisations internationales appartenant au système des Nations Unies. Elle démontre que la pratique de la prospective a été, pendant la guerre froide, source de nouvelles conceptions du monde.Les recherches menées se situent à la croisée de plusieurs champs historiographiques dont les trois principaux sont l’histoire du futur, l’histoire intellectuelle transnationale et l’histoire de la globalité. Elles s’articulent autour de la problématique suivante : comment les études sur le futur menées au sein du système onusien pendant la guerre froide ont-elles contribué à faire émerger et à défendre certaines conceptions du global, faisant du futur du monde à la fois une catégorie d’exploration scientifique et une catégorie d’action pour un ensemble d’acteurs internationaux ? / After the Second World War, in particular from the 1960s to the 1980s, several futures studies projects were conducted by international teams. Their goal was to promote the shaping of a « global consciousness » : the sense of belonging to a unique human community sharing a common destiny. This dissertation analyzes some of those projects, particularly those that were conducted within the united nations system. It shows that futurology created new ways of envisioning the world during the Cold War.

This thesis is an archaeological and ethnographic exploration of historic military sites associated with the Cold War. It takes a multi-sited approach to former radar installations in the UK and examines the range of meanings and values that surround them, as well as their mediation, management and curation in the contemporary landscape. This thesis provides a detailed study of a range of related (although not necessarily overlapping) practices, which have accumulated around these places since the 1990s. Much has been written about the ruined-aesthetic of abandoned military sites. Moreover, conservation professionals have undertaken extensive research and granted heritage status to a number of key sites. However, little academic research has been carried out concerning the contemporary social life of former military installations. Furthermore, despite valuable archaeological research concerning the character and form of Cold War historic sites, little attention has been given to the ways in which they are involved in the production of ideas surrounding the Cold War and Cold War heritage in the present; this thesis aims to cover both of these issues. Each of the main chapters in this thesis focuses on a particular set of practices or relationships surrounding historic radar sites, which have been treated in a relatively sporadic and uneven fashion – some have been demolished, others left in ruination and limbo, whereas as a few have been designated as nationally important heritage sites. Therefore, a number of heritage and memory practices are covered, including conservation management, militarisation and nostalgia, as well as the museumification of Cold War sites and objects and the (often) disparate memory practices of former radar veterans. Principally, the analysis in this thesis focuses on extensive ethnographic research undertaken by the author at a number of sites in the UK. This includes semi-structured interviews, participant observation and archival research undertaken in England and Scotland. The key case-studies are the listed and scheduled monuments at RAF Neatishead in Norfolk; the Air Defence Radar Museum, which is located on the same site; and a former early warning site at Saxa Vord in Unst, Shetland. Research conducted at a number of other Cold War sites and museums is also discussed. The principal aim of this thesis is to contribute a set of nuanced and detailed accounts surrounding the archaeology and heritage of the recent past. The Cold War was a varied and complex phenomenon – one which is much debated. Manifold legacies of the Cold War also continue to shape and influence the contemporary world. In a similar manner, concepts and practices surrounding heritage and memory are widely studied, but remain slippery and resist straightforward interpretation. Therefore, the complexities surrounding these phenomena are magnified when they are combined in the present through the notion of Cold War heritage. In order to add some specificity to these related issues, this thesis focuses on two main questions (which are really two-sides of the same coin): what kind of heritage emerges in relation to historic Cold War radar sites? And, what kind of Cold War is produced in the context of heritage and memory practices? Throughout the thesis, it is argued that the Cold War is an uneven, complex and occasionally difficult heritage to deal with in the UK. Mostly, this relates to practical problems such as the complexities surrounding the ownership of former military sites, as well as a number of other conceptual and philosophical issues. For example, in the context of designation and management, this emerges as a tension between the idea of the Cold War as avant-garde heritage and modern conservation principles that underpin contemporary heritage management practices. Furthermore, the emphasis placed on materiality, place and continuity in heritage and memory practices are also brought into relief. At times, these are shown to be complicated by the (at times) elusive, unpredictable and uncertain character of the Cold War in the present. Using radar sites as a microcosm, it is argued that former Cold War sites are seldom the product of coherent or unified approaches to heritage and memory. Instead, they are often at the centre of a variety of converging, conflicting and confounding agendas. Practices surrounding radar sites also present a number of ethical and political challenges. Moreover, it is also argued that radar sites, despite their billing as Cold War heritage, cannot simply be reduced or collapsed into the concept of the Cold War. Nonetheless, the author argues that this kind of fragmentation and complexity might form the basis of a more comprehensive approach to the Cold War and the recent past in the present. Therefore, in the conclusions to this thesis, the author presents a number of avenues for future research and examines the implications of his findings.

This thesis adopts a cross-disciplinary approach to explore the development of the conspiracy thriller genre in British cinema during the 1980s. There is considerable academic interest in the Hollywood conspiracy cycle that emerged in America during the 1970s. Films such as The Parallax View (Pakula, 1975) and All the President's Men (Pakula, 1976) are indicative of the genre, and sought to reflect public anxieties about perceived government misdeeds and misconduct within the security services. In Europe during the same period, directors Costa-Gavras and Francesco Rosi were exploring similar themes of state corruption and conspiracy in films such as State of Siege (1972) and Illustrious Corpses (1976). This thesis provides a comprehensive account of how a similar conspiracy cycle emerged in Britain in the following decade. We will examine the ways in which British film-makers used the conspiracy form to reflect public concerns about issues of defence and national security, and questioned the measures adopted by the British government and the intelligence community to combat Soviet subversion during the last decade of the Cold War. Unlike other research exploring espionage in British film and television, this research is concerned exclusively with the development of the conspiracy thriller genre in mainstream cinema. This has been achieved using three case studies: Defence of the Realm (Drury, 1986), The Whistle Blower (Langton, 1987) and The Fourth Protocol (MacKenzie, 1987). For each case study chapter, interviews have been conducted with the film-makers in order to gain insight into the aims and motivations that underpin each film. As well as employing these first-hand accounts of the production contexts, close analysis of film style is provided in order to understand the ways in which the British genre is informed stylistically by its Hollywood and European forebears. This means that for the first time, the British conspiracy cycle can be understood within a wider historical and cinematic context. Detractors of the conspiracy genre argue that it offers audiences a simplistic view of complex political events. We will reflect on this criticism and evaluate the extent to which the British films provide meaningful political comment within the conventions of mainstream cinema.

This thesis examines relations between Wales and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the Cold War period of 1949 to 1990. Previous studies have investigated who in Britain interacted with the GDR and their motivations for doing so. The appeal of particular groups and demographics to the GDR authorities - in pursuit of foreign policy objectives - are also well documented. This study is driven by two research questions: i) the identity and motivations of Welsh individuals or organisations approaching and engaging with the GDR and considering to what extent their ‘Welsh identity’ influenced their positioning vis-à-vis the GDR and the Cold War; ii) the extent of Welsh acceptance of any overtures made by a socialist state, including the likely resonance of the GDR’s self-promotion as an anti-fascist, egalitarian state, which sought to protect and develop the rights of its own Sorbian minority culture. The research approach adopted for the thesis has considered how multiple projections of ‘Welshness’ influenced the expression of, and thus the GDR’s perception and understanding of Welsh identity. The findings from this research suggest that the most intriguing and recurrent interactions between Wales and the GDR occurred as a result of concerns for the status of the Welsh language during the Cold War period, encouraged by the GDR’s domestic policy for its own Sorbian minority. This study thus contributes a further category of Welsh-speakers to those identified in the existing scholarship as having interacted with the GDR. Notwithstanding Welsh-Sorbian interactions, this research also determines that other facets of Welsh life sought to engage with the GDR, including representatives of the friendship movement, the Welsh proletariat and left-leaning politicians who believed that establishing relations with the GDR would facilitate détente and peaceful co-existence. Existing assumptions in the field are further strengthened by this thesis’ findings, including the GDR’s methods and approaches for cultivating relationships with the West. Varying projections of Welsh identity prompted different (and often confused and inappropriate) responses from the GDR authorities. By evaluating a range of Welsh-GDR interactions throughout the Cold War period, the findings of this research contribute an alternative Welsh narrative to the field of British-GDR relations.

The White Terror in Taiwan was a 43-year period during which the Kuomintang (KMT) regime, with significant support from the United States during the Cold War era, persecuted its political opponents, imprisoning tens of thousands of people and executing some 1200. In the wake of democratisation since the 1980s, Taiwan has instituted a scheme of transitional justice to acknowledge and atone for the past political oppression and to promote national reconciliation. As this initiative was undertaken by the same regime that perpetrated the White Terror, questions of objectivity and transparency arise. Accordingly, this thesis aims to assess the progress of transitional justice in Taiwan by examining the official discourse on the subject and also analysing the non-official discourses amongst survivors of the White Terror in present-day Taiwan. Tensions between the different discourses are identified. This thesis focuses on the construction of the past in the present, which refers to contestation of the past in the context of present-day society in Taiwan. Drawing on discursive analysis of Taiwan’s transitional justice initiatives since the late 1990s, as well as in-depth interviews with 24 former political prisoners, it discerns how the official transitional justice discourse is circumscribed and limits our knowledge of the White Terror. Since the implied fall of communism, the aim of reconciliation has not embraced the former socialists and communists at the global level, enabling the KMT government to elude accountability in its transitional justice efforts by rationalising the White Terror in the name of anti-communism. As a result, Taiwan’s socialist dissidents remain stigmatised in the official discourse, which offers redress only to those individuals who disassociate themselves with subversion and identify as ‘political victims’. This restriction in the official discourse suggests that the government wishes to reconcile only with those who were ‘innocent’ of treason. By the same token, the identity of White Terror victims is de-politicised, distorting the content of their trauma and shame and their survivorhood in present-day Taiwan. Informants’ non-official discourses, which point up the contradictions in the government discourse, reveal that survivors tend to feel profound shame owing to the failure of their political projects, viewing themselves as inept revolutionaries. Much of their interest in transitional justice lies in seeking opportunities to advocate for the causes to which they still adhere. Thus, their identity as survivors is focused less on persecution than on sustaining their political activism in the era of reconciliation. Thus, the tension between the official and non-official transitional justice discourses in Taiwan is not only a contestation of the past but, more profoundly, a contestation of the vision for the nation’s future.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:02:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 sotana_ec_dr_assis.pdf: 2333776 bytes, checksum: 2d0e364ffb6c0049174270815e659203 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo central desta tese de doutoramento é levantar e analisar as representações sobre a manutenção da paz mundial que foram encetadas e veiculadas pela chamada grande imprensa brasileira no período compreendido entre o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e a Guerra da Coréia. Nesta direção, são apresentados e analisados os agentes e as práticas envolvidos no processo de produção e divulgação do material jornalístico brasileiro que trataram de temas referentes à manutenção da paz mundial, assim como igualmente dos espaços dedicados e das fontes utilizadas pelos periódicos no tratamento jornalístico do tema, sempre sem perder de vista as relações existentes entre a imprensa e a política durante o período enfocado. Para tanto, tem-se como fonte documental e objeto de análise os jornais O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha da Manhã, Diário de S. Paulo, Correio da Manhã, Jornal do Brasil e a revista O Cruzeiro. O material levantado e analisado permite afirmar que os jornais brasileiros suspeitavam, desconfiavam ou lançavam dúvidas sobre as possibilidades da manutenção da paz mundial, concorrendo simbolicamente para nomear e classificar os agentes responsáveis por construir um mundo pacífico ou provocar um novo conflito no período imediatamente posterior à Segunda Guerra Mundial. Com algumas nuances e diferenças, os órgãos impressos posicionaram-se política e ideologicamente a favor ou contra os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética, sendo ambas as nações representadas, respectivamente, como os responsáveis pela promoção e manutenção da paz mundial e como a desencadeadora de novos conflitos mundiais. É intenção do trabalho, portanto, demonstrar que a grande imprensa brasileira construía representações da União Soviética como ameaça a manutenção da paz mundial / The main purpose of this doctoral thesis is to raise and analyze the representations about the world peace maintenance which were begun and broadcasted by the called great Brazilian press in the period between the end of the Second World War and the Korean War. In this way, the agents and the practices involved in the production and divulgation process of the Brazilian journalistic material that dealt with different themes to the world peace maintenance are presented and analyzed, as well as the dedicated spaces and the sources used by the periodicals in the journalistic treatment of the subject, without losing sight of the relations existing between the press and the policy during the focused period. For both, the documentary sources and objects of analysis are the newspapers O Estado de São Paulo, Folha da Manhã, Diário de São Paulo, Correio da Manhã, Jornal do Brasil, and the magazine O Cruzeiro. The raised and analyzed material allows to say that the Brazilian newspapers suspected, distrusted or raised doubts about the possibilities of the world peace maintenance, competing symbolically to name and classify the responsible agents for building a peaceful world or provoking new conflicts in the period immediately after the Second World War. With some nuances and differences, the press took the position itself political and ideologically being for or against the United States of America and the Soviet Union, being both nations represented, respectively, as the responsible for promoting and maintaining the world peace and initiating new world conflicts. The work intention is, therefore, to demonstrate that the great Brazilian press used to build representations of the Soviet Union as some threat to the world peace maintenance

In 1898 the Philippines became a colony of the United States, the result of American economic expansion throughout the nineteenth century. Having been granted independence in 1946, the nominally sovereign Republic of the Philippines remained inextricably linked to the US through restrictive legislation, military bases, and decades of political and socio-economic patronage. In America’s closest developing world ally, and showcase of democratic values, Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos installed a brutal dictatorship in 1972, dramatically marking the end of democracy there. US foreign policy, from the inception of the US-Philippine partnership, failed to substantially resolve endemic poverty and elite political domination. During the Cold War, the discourse through which State Department policy was conceived helped perpetuate these unequal conditions, whilst also at times explicitly encouraging authoritarian solutions to domestic problems. As the Cold War escalated through the 1960s, especially in Vietnam, US officials insisted the Philippines provide military and ideological solidarity with US Cold War objectives at the expense of effectively addressing the roots of domestic instability. The Philippine example serves as the clearest case of the outcomes and impact of US foreign policy across the developing world, and thus must be considered an essential starting point when considering the United States’ Cold War experience. Based on extensive primary research from across the United Kingdom and the United States, this thesis re-examines and re-connects the historiography of colonialism, neo-colonialism, Southeast Asia, and Cold War studies. Nowhere did the US have such a long and intimate history of influence and partnerships than in the Philippines, and yet Marcos’s regime emerged there; this dissertation presents an analytical lens through which to measure the role of US foreign policy in creating a dictatorship.

This thesis analyzes the US response to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It argues that in 1994, the US was retooling its stance on humanitarian intervention because of the disastrous US-led Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia in 1993. Therefore, the American response to the genocide in Rwanda became a casualty of Washington’s reassessment of its humanitarian intervention policy in the 1990s. The reason behind the US adoption of a more muscular humanitarian intervention policy was due in part to the end of the Cold War in 1991. Thus, the US was able to focus on other issues in international affairs, such as human security, which became a focal point of George H.W Bush’s New World Order. This policy plan outlined areas in which the US could assist the world with human rights issues through cooperation with the United Nations. In 1993, the Clinton Administration expanded the principles of Bush’s New World Order to create a muscular American foreign policy platform that imposed US domestic ideas of human rights on international affairs. Subsequent polarizing events would force the US to retreat from humanitarian intervention. This resulted in a new, lukewarm approach to humanitarian intervention by the Clinton Administration. The new cautious approach to humanitarian intervention affected the US response to the genocide in Rwanda. This thesis aims to reassess how the US reacted to this particular genocide.

abstract: Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, musicologists have been delving into formerly inaccessible archives and publishing new research on Eastern Bloc composers. Much of the English-language scholarship, however, has focused on already well-known composers from Russia or Poland. In contrast, composers from smaller countries such as the Czech Republic (formerly Czechoslovakia) have been neglected. In this thesis, I shed light on the new music scene in Czechoslovakia from 1948–1989, specifically during the period of “Normalization” (1969–1989). The period of Normalization followed a cultural thaw, and beginning in 1969 the Czechoslovak government attempted to restore control. Many Czech and Slovak citizens kept their opinions private to avoid punishment, but some voiced their opinions and faced repression, while others chose to leave the country. In this thesis, I explore how two Czech composers, Marek Kopelent (b. 1932) and Petr Kotík (b. 1942) came to terms with writing music before and during the period of Normalization. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Music 2015