This study analyses the Swedish state and private actors’ efforts to establish trade with the communist government in China, between the years 1949–1964. By examining how the actor’ cooperated through the theory of economic diplomacy the purpose is to establish who was the driving force and how the actor’ argued concerning the establishment of trade relations between the nations. This in relation to the Swedish neutrality and the Swedish dependency on the western market that it relied heavily upon in the postwar economy.The study finds that Sweden was heavily influenced by the western nations in how it developed its trade with China. The state, but also the private actors’ in some instances, feared a retaliation from the USA that would hinder them access to western market. In 1957 Sweden established a trade deal with China, but only after western Europe allowed it. After 1958 the private actor’s abandoned China because of difficulties in trade and left the state in a process of trying to reestablish it. The trade between the nations nearly collapsed but resumed in 1964. The conclusion is that the Swedish state considered the political consequences heavily when evaluating the trade with China and became the driving force in 1955. This was done because the state evaluated that the retaliation wouldn’t be to vigorous, while most of the private actors considered commercial gains instead of political consequences concerning trade with China.

The early period of the national liberation of Mozambique provided a stage for superpower competition, and a means for different African states, groups of states, and organizations to advance their particular, and often conflicting goals and agendas. In so doing, both the superpowers and regional African actors were supporting different rival Mozambican nationalist leaders and their respective movements. More than being only a conflict between Portuguese authorities and Mozambican nationalists, the process of Mozambican national liberation was also a proxy confrontation between different foreign actors. The thesis examines the relations and power dynamics within the complex of superpowers - African states - national liberation movements, in the contexts of the Cold War, African affairs and the process of national liberation of Mozambique. It assesses the roles played by local and regional African actors in affecting Soviet and American interests and designs throughout their engagements with the process of Mozambican national liberation, from 1961 to 1964.

Esta dissertação tem como tema quatro filmes do gênero ficção científica, produzidos nos Estados Unidos da América no período do segundo pós-guerra, O Dia em que a Terra Parou (1951), Vampiros de Almas (1956), A Bolha (1958) e Limite de Segurança (1964). Nas sociedades contemporâneas, este gênero se torna relevante como objeto de interpretação do real, representando, interpretando e discutindo o seu contexto histórico e as relações humanas com o desconhecido, propondo formas de organização social e reflexões sobre a natureza da Ciência e Tecnologia. Por meio da leitura crítica dos filmes pode-se compreender o imaginário americano sobre questões referentes às relações internacionais da Guerra Fria e às ameaças internas à sociedade, sem deixar para trás a visão de que estes filmes atingiram diversas sociedades em diversas regiões do mundo e também tratam de questões universais. / This dissertation presents four science fiction movies, produced in the United States of America in the second post war period, The Day the Earth Stood Still (1951), Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956), The Blob (1958), Fail-Safe (1964). In contemporary societies, this genre becomes relevant as an interpretation of the real, representing, interpreting, and discussing its historical context and the human relationships with the unknown, proposing ways of social organization and reflections about the nature of Science and Technology. By means of critical reading of the movies, the American imaginary regarding the international relations of the Cold War and the internal threats to society can be comprehended, without leaving behind the notion that these movies reach societies in different regions of the world and deal with universal questions.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos_Eduardo_Boaretto_Pereira.pdf: 6034832 bytes, checksum: c0f740035dbbebc46ae02e67ea6ef5c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-22 / Fundação Araucária / This dissertation is the result of research that aimed at the analysis of comic magazines of U.S. publisher Marvel Comics, The Avengers. The time frame that comprises the analysis of the magazines is from September 1963 to December 1967. This period consist into the formation of this group of superheroes (The Avengers), and the second attempt to launch a magazine with the superhero of the Second World War, Captain America, which was integrated into the group by publishers in March 1964, until the last appearance of Captain America in The Avengers magazine in the December 1967 edition. The proposal of the magazine consisted in grouping several superheroes in a single group. All the superheroes had appeared previously in other comics from this publisher. Ant-Man and Wasp in "Tales to Astonish" number 27 in January 1962. Hulk in his own magazine, "The Incredible Hulk", in May 1962; Iron Man in "Tales of Suspense" number 39, in March 1963; Thor in "Journey Into Mystery" number 83, in August 1962 and Captain America in "Captain America" number 01 in March 1941. This work has two hypotheses: The first is: the comics of superheroes Captain America and Avengers helped the project from a portion of American civil society composed by the great capitalists, and therefore, a portion of the American political society that aimed political and/or military intervention, if necessary, in other countries, to ensure raw material and consumer markets after the Second World War. And the second is: The Avengers comic books also served to minimize and even disqualify radical movements for civil rights, which in the 1960s in the U.S., began a wave of questioning the status quo of the country, coming to cogitate the transformation of the American capitalist system / Esta dissertação é resultado da pesquisa que teve como objeto de suas análises as revistas de história em quadrinhos publicadas pela editora estadunidense Marvel Comics, The Avengers (Vingadores). O recorte temporal que compreendeu as análises desse trabalho foi de setembro de 1963 até dezembro de 1967. Esse período consiste na formação desse grupo de super-heróis e na segunda tentativa de lançar uma revista com o super-herói da Segunda Guerra Mundial, Capitão América, que foi integrado ao grupo pelos editores da Marvel Comics em março de 1964, até a última aparição do Capitão América nessa revista, na edição de dezembro de 1967. Á proposta desta publicação consistiu-se em agrupar vários super-heróis diferentes em um único grupo. Todos esses super-heróis já haviam aparecido anteriormente em outras histórias em quadrinhos da editora. Ant-Man e Wasp em Tales to Astonish número 27 de Janeiro de 1962; Hulk em sua própria revista, The Incredible Hulk , de Maio de 1962; Iron Man em Tales of Suspense número 39 de Março de 1963; e Thor em Journey Into Mystery número 83 de Agosto de 1962 e o Capitão América em Captain America número 1 de Março de 1941. Esse trabalho têm duas hipótese: a primeira é que as histórias em quadrinhos dos super-heróis Capitão América e Avengers auxiliaram no projeto de uma parcela da sociedade civil estadunidense composta pelos grandes capitalistas e por consequência, uma parcela da sociedade política estadunidense que visava à intervenção política e/ou militar, se necessária, em outros países, para assegurar matérias primas e mercados consumidores após a Segunda Grande Guerra Mundial. E a segunda é que as revistas em quadrinhos dos Avengers também serviram para minimizar e até desqualificar os movimentos radicais por direitos civis, que nos anos de 1960 nos EUA, iniciaram uma onda de questionamento do status quo do país, chegando a cogitar a transformação do sistema capitalista estadunidense

Esta tese volta-se para o exame de como a guerra civil angolana (1975-2002), já implicada durante a guerra de libertação contra o colonialismo português, imprimiu os termos a partir dos quais a construção de um estado nacional unívoco pôde ser concebido. Em diálogo com trabalhos que abordam a questão das formações nacionais como agenciamento entre diferenças, colocam-se como foco de análise as diversas narrativas sobre o conflito. A oposição entre MPLA e UNITA em Angola produziu duas formas opostas de universalização e de agenciamento de diferenças, formas estas, no entanto, igualmente direcionadas à representação de uma identidade nacional coesa. Diferentes categorias de diferenciação como etnia, oposição campo-cidade, raça e reivindicações ideológicas foram mobilizadas por cada lado de formas distintas em diferentes momentos do conflito, tanto na forma de autorrepresentações quanto na forma de contraposições via acusações. Categorias de diferenciação foram sendo produzidas no transcurso do conflito à medida que as estratégias dos atores iam informando suas agendas políticas. Nesse processo, os oponentes moldaram suas irreconciliações um em relação ao outro. Essa rede de narrativas conflitantes é mapeada de modo a compreender, ao mesmo tempo, sua transformação no que diz respeito ao modo de configurar as diferenças e sua contribuição para a formação da imaginação nacional angolana. A análise atenta para as inflexões operadas nos regimes discursivos em torno das principais questões que compuseram os diferentes momentos do conflito. / This dissertation analyzes how the Angolan civil war (1975-2002), already implied during the liberation war against Portuguese colonialism, set the terms based on which the construction of a univocal nation state could be conceived. In dialogue with the literature that approaches the issue of national formation as the handling of differences, this work assesses the different narratives on the conflict. The opposition between the MPLA and UNITA in Angola produced two different, opposed forms of universalizing and handling differences, which were nonetheless equally directed towards the representation of a cohesive national identity. At different moments during the conflict, each side resorted to different categories of differentiation such as ethnicity, the rural-urban divide, race, and ideological claims, in the form of both self-representation and contraposition through accusation. Categories of differentiation were produced throughout the conflict as the actors strategies informed their political agendas. In this process, the rivals molded their irreconciliations in relation to one another. This network of conflicting narratives is mapped out in order to understand both its transformation regarding how differences were configured and its contribution to the formation of an Angolan national imagination. The analysis focuses on the turning points of the discursive regimes concerning the main issues that made up the different moments of the conflict.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T04:09:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Shimabukuro_Alessandro_M.pdf: 764409 bytes, checksum: 904f8cb69dd60b4b97a93eda966904db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: O fim da disputa bipolar com a União Soviética e o posicionamento dos Estados Unidos como única ¿potência global¿ no pós-Guerra Fria passaram a exigir uma nova definição dos interesses e das linhas de ação da política externa norte-americana na sua concepção de segurança, não mais dominada pela competição nuclear, nem definida exclusivamente por conflitos convencionais. Através da análise de documentos do governo e artigos de policymakers e acadêmicos norte-americanos, os principais interesses e a política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no novo contexto são identificados: evitar o surgimento de um rival hostil, mantendo a posição de primazia dos EUA através de capacidades militares que garantam a segurança de aliados e inibam o surgimento de rivais / Abstract: The end of the bipolar dispute with the Soviet Union and the United States¿ positioning in the post Cold War as the only global power demanded a new definition of U.S. interests and foreign policy directives in its security definitions, no longer dominated by nuclear competition nor defined exclusively by conventional armed conflicts. Through an analysis of government documents and articles by American policymakers and academics, the United States¿ main interests and security policy in the new context are identified: prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, maintaining U.S. primacy through military capabilities which guarantee allies¿ security and inhibit the emergence of rivals / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

The work focuses on the issue of revisionism of Soviet history in Anglo-Saxon historiography. The aim is to analyze the causes and circumstances of Revizionism, its origins and the character of the dispute between revisionist and totalitarianist interpretation of Soviet history. It also deals with the question of whether one of the interpretations has achieved dominance in its field. Key Words Revisionism, totalitarism, historiography, Cold War, Soviet Union

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Donald J. Mrozek / From 1989 to 1999, the US had an opportunity to end its rivalry with Russia. However, a “loss aversion heuristic” dominated the decision-making processes of George Bush and Bill Clinton resulting in policies that provoked Russian fears of encirclement. This “loss aversion heuristic” manifested in four key security decisions: the reunification of Germany within NATO, NATO expansion to newly independent states, the Balkans interventions, and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Although initially suspicious of Gorbachev, Bush eventually pursued a policy of supporting his reforms. However, as the administration came to terms with the inevitability of German reunification and increased European integration as outlined in the Single European Act of 1987, worries about the US leadership role in Europe emerged. By the fall of 1989, Bush backed German reunification to bolster pro-NATO political parties in Germany. As he assumed the presidency in 1993, Clinton wanted to increase financial assistance to Russia. However, when it came to security issues, Clinton’s fear of losing democratic gains in Eastern Europe to an emerging Russian nationalist movement made him less conciliatory to Russia. Despite Yeltsin’s dismay, Clinton pushed for NATO’s enlargement to protect the newly independent states. The same “loss aversion heuristic” was in play with the NATO interventions in the Balkans in 1995 and 1998. Criticisms of NATO’s ineffectiveness at preventing genocide on the continent called into question the necessity of a European security organization that could not provide security. Even though the interventions cemented a continued rivalry with Russia, the US backed them as a means of protecting the relevance of NATO. These decisions had implications to the US policy of protecting the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Instead of securing a nuclear security partner, US policy contributed to Russians selling technology to rogue regimes, and they resisted US attempts to create an Anti-Ballistic Missile Defense (ABM) system in Eastern Europe. In this way, US policy success in securing NATO resulted in decreased nuclear security. In the first three security decisions, the US overestimated the probability of loss making them unable to consider a more cooperative posture vis-à-vis Russian security concerns. The result of this loss aversion was the protection of NATO and the loss of cooperation on the nuclear non-proliferation regime.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Jack M. Holl / Donald J. Mrozek / As president, Dwight Eisenhower believed that nuclear weapons, both fission and fusion, were permissible and desirable assets to help protect U.S. national security against the threat of international communism. He championed the beneficent role played by nuclear weapons, including both civilian and military uses, and he lauded the simultaneous and multi-pronged use of the atom for peace and for war. Eisenhower's assessment of the role and value of nuclear technology was profound, sincere, and pragmatic, but also simplistic, uneven, and perilous. He desired to make nuclear weapons as available, useful, and ordinary for purposes of national security as other revolutionary military technology from the past, such as the tank or the airplane. He also planned to exploit nuclear technology for a variety of peaceful, civilian applications that he also believed could contribute to national strength. However, Eisenhower did not possess a systematic view of national security in the nuclear age as some scholars have argued. Rather, Eisenhower approached the question of how to defend national security through nuclear weapons with an array of disparate ideas and programs which worked simultaneously toward sometimes divergent objectives that were unified only by a simple conception of national strength. In this effort, Eisenhower occasionally pursued what might seem to be conflicting initiatives, but nonetheless consistently advanced his view that strength through nuclear technology was possible, necessary, and sustainable. Because he believed nuclear technology effectively served his goal to defend national security through strength, Eisenhower sought to reverse the perception that nuclear weapons were inherently dangerous by advocating steadily and consistently for the proper and acceptable use of nuclear technology to contribute to the safety of the republic. He conceived policies such as the New Look, massive retaliation, Project Plowshare, and Atoms for Peace in part to convince the American public and the international community of the U.S.'s genuine desire for peace as Eisenhower simultaneously entrenched atomic and thermonuclear weapons into the American national conscience. Through his efforts, Eisenhower made nuclear weapons and nuclear technology ordinary, abundant, and indispensable to U.S. national security in the twentieth century.

Magister Artium - MA / This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of successive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study. / South Africa