My dissertation explores how the movement of missionaries across Asia responded to the currents of nationalism, decolonization, and the Cold War producing ideas about sovereignty, race, and religious rights. More specifically, it looks at how U.S. evangelicals in the China Inland Mission, an international and interdenominational mission society, collaborated with Christians in the Atlantic and Pacific worlds. While doing so it also details the oft-neglected study of the post-China careers of former China missionaries by extensive use of oral histories. Forced to abandon its only field by the Chinese Communist Party, the mission redeployed as the Overseas Missionary Fellowship sending agents to new nations such as Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand and amongst the overseas Chinese populations scattered across Southeast Asia. The last chapter looks at the OMF’s return to the People’s Republic of China as tourists and expatriates as the means by which “rapprochement” took on religious meanings. Ultimately, I argue missionary mobility produced ideas about religious freedom as a human right across the international community rooted in ambivalent, racialized attitudes toward Asians.

Zu Beginn des Koreakrieges hatte im benachbarten Japan ein Mann de facto alle Macht in seinen Händen, der seit 1942 Oberbefehlshaber der alliierten Truppen im Pazifik gewesen war und am 2. September 1945 mit der Entgegennahme der japanischen Kapitulation den Zweiten Weltkrieg beendete – Douglas MacArthur. Der General, der den Pazifik einst als angelsächsischen See bezeichnet hatte, war unter seiner administrativen Leitung maßgeblich verantwortlich für die japanische Nachkriegsentwicklung und stand nun vor der neuen Herausforderung des Oberbefehls über die Truppen der Vereinten Nationen in Korea. Der über alle Maßen erfolgsverwöhnte MacArthur hatte die an Profilierungsmöglichkeiten nicht zu überbietenden Weltkriege genutzt, um zu einem der höchstdekorierten Offiziere der US-Militärgeschichte aufzusteigen. Innerhalb seines pazifischen Machtbereiches hatte er sich über die Jahre den Status eines quasi souveränen Staatsoberhauptes aufgebaut – mit einem eigenen Verwaltungsapparat, einer eigenen Armee und einem eigenen Geheimdienst, und er betrieb, einem souveränen Herrscher entsprechend, auch seine ganz eigene Politik. In dieser Arbeit wird, ausgehend von der These – MacArthur habe, einen Plan verfolgend, seine Position genutzt, um den Versuch zu unternehmen, den für ihn sehr gelegen und keineswegs überraschend kommenden Krieg in Korea zu einem Entscheidungsschlag gegen den asiatischen Kommunismus auszuweiten, nationalistischen Kräften zur Macht zu verhelfen und den dann endlich nicht mehr zu übertreffenden militärischen Ruhm politisch zu instrumentalisieren, um zur republikanischen Präsidentschaftskandidatur zu gelangen – zunächst das Hauptaugenmerk auf MacArthurs Beziehung zu Mao Tse-tungs Gegenspieler Chiang Kai-shek, dem Machthaber im Süden Koreas, Syngman Rhee, und deren mögliche strategische Einbeziehung sowie zur demokratischen Truman-Administration gelegt. Im zweiten Schwerpunkt werden, beginnend mit dem kurzen Entwurf eines Persönlichkeitsprofils MacArthurs, seine militärischen und politischen Ziele plausibilisiert. Dabei dient die weiter oben formulierte These als Blaupause für die Betrachtung des Kriegsverlaufes mit einem agierenden, aktiv seinen Plan verfolgenden General MacArthur, dessen (politisches) Handeln auch nach seiner Absetzung durch Präsident Truman noch unter dem Licht dieses Plans betrachtet werden kann.

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy.

The International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg was the only international trial for Nazi war criminals following World War II. This study examines the development and proceedings of the IMT in the context of the development of the Cold War in order to show the trial as a turning point in American-Soviet relations.

As the world became at once more interconnected and more polarized during the twentieth century, the need for the major powers to effectively communicate their perspective to the rest of the world through propaganda grew stronger. However, although the United States was undeniably gaining prestige and influence by the late 1930s, the upstart global power struggled to implement a lasting and successful propaganda program. In the years immediately preceding the Second World War, when the United States was targeted by both Axis and Soviet propaganda, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt proved reluctant to implement a peacetime state-sponsored propaganda program. Roosevelt’s successor Harry Truman, on the other hand, did not share this reluctance and throughout the first years of the Cold War sanctioned the establishment of several peacetime programs. However, because of Truman’s lack of understanding of and personal commitment to the use of propaganda, U.S. efforts in this field were uncoordinated, expensive, and largely ineffective. As a result, the highly centralized Soviet propaganda machine constantly tried to divide the United States and its allies and draw more countries into the communist camp. It was not until Dwight Eisenhower, arguably the first true psychological warrior to become president, took office in 1953 that U.S. Cold War propagandists began to match the efforts of their Soviet counterparts. Eisenhower used his organizational talents and military experiences with psychological warfare to restructure U.S. foreign information services into highly coordinated, cost-effective, and efficient Cold War weapons. With the establishment of the United States Information Agency in October 1953, the United States gained more control of its image abroad, casting both U.S. domestic and foreign policies in as favourable a light as possible while simultaneously condemning communists as disingenuous, autocratic imperialists. While U.S. officials struggled to implement effective psychological warfare programs, they were inevitably forced to confront difficult questions concerning the role of propaganda in a democratic society. Whereas a majority of Americans in the interwar period regarded propaganda as anathema, and a tool to which only fascists and communists resorted, by the time Eisenhower took office a growing number of officials had concluded that the stakes in the Cold War were simply too high to leave anything to chance. As a result, these officials argued, it was imperative that the U.S. government target not only international, but also domestic audiences with state-sponsored propaganda in order to ‘educate’ the public on U.S. Cold War objectives and the perils of communism. / Graduate

Reissued 13 Mar 2013 to rearrange reference list and change distribution code from F to A. / Energy and maritime-history affairs have played particularly important parts in the alignment of regional and international relations in the Eastern Mediterranean, and Turkey has played a pivotal regional role in all these matters. This study examines the role of Turkey as it explores the Middle East more generally, from World War II to the present day, asking how dynamic strategic alliances and regional relations in the Eastern Mediterranean have been regulated in terms of energy and maritime-security issues. The thesis has five chapters: Chapter II discusses the geographic, political, military, and especially economic importance of the region. Chapter III provides a historical review of energy and maritime-related crises and case studies that occurred in the Eastern Mediterranean and their effect on the alignments of strategic alliances. Chapter IV presents the current situation in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of energy and maritime security and examines Turkey`s increasing strategic role in the region. This chapter provides information about the importance of Eastern Mediterranean hydrocarbon resources, the geopolitical importance of Turkey as an energy hub, probable energy problems in default of delimitation of the maritime area, strategic-alliance problems and the militarization of energy security. Chapter V summarizes the main analyses and presents the importance of the current geostrategic alignment of alliances in terms of energy and maritime security, and Turkey’s key role in the settlement of disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean.

The United States emerged from the Second World War determined to play a leading role in the maintenance of international order. Increasing levels of tension between the United States and the forces of communism after 1945, however, slowly forced a redefinition of what might be more distinctly termed America's "global" responsibilities, such that by 1961 John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would "pay any price. . .in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." An identifiable Cold War consensus took shape based on the assumption that it was America's responsibility to lead, protect, and defend, the "free-world." Since America was effectively waging a battle to ensure the successful spread of its own values, the Cold War consensus also served to severely limit debate—dissent essentially implied disloyalty. By the mid-1960s, however, the Cold War consensus began to crack and a debate over American foreign policy began to emerge. That debate is the focus of this dissertation, which looks at the opposition to Cold War policies which emerged in the Senate, most notably among the members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee --many of whom had once played a role in developing the very foreign policies they now protested. The war in Vietnam provided the focal point for much of the dissent, but the foreign aid program also became heavily criticized, as did America's NATO policy, particularly the size of the American military presence in Europe. More important, however, Senate dissenters came to question the United States' very position as the principle defender of the free world. They did not dispute the idea that America had a significant role to play in the global arena, but they did not believe that role should consist of being the world's policeman, the self-appointed arbiter of other’s affairs, and the keeper of the status quo. Because of their views, the so-called dissenters were labelled as "neo-isolationists." They saw themselves the true "internationalists," however, believing that the Cold War had led to confusion between internationalism and indiscriminate global involvement.

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy.

This thesis analyzes the process of European Defence Industry&#039 / s restructuring and consolidation process in accordance with the emerging Post-Cold War period transformation requirements. To achieve this aim it investigates the process in terms of the European Defence Industrial Base on the one hand and international level of convergence efforts on the other. It demonstrates drivers of change for the defence industry, namely / the narrowing budgets, changing relationship between state and defence industry, importance of technological achievements, rise of civil sector and internationalization of national defence firms. Regarding the restructuring and consolidation process the thesis examines behavior of firms in terms of merger and/or acquisition... etc activities in order to adopt the Post-Cold War transformations. Moreover, due to its significance of being regarded as the first true attempt of creating a transnational defence sector identity the EADS is also investigated. Also it deals with the institutional level of convergence efforts mainly in terms of NATO, EU, WEU/WEAO and OCCAR. To provide a comparative framework, the US defence industry and its impact on the European counterpart is examined

The thesis seeks to trace the development of the process of &amp / #8216 / reflection as reality&amp / #8217 / through a politico-historical analysis of the intimacies between the United States governments and Hollywood cinema during the Cold War. The working assumption while projecting this study is as follows / the Hollywood cinema and the United States governments enjoyed a close relationship during the period in question. The latter actively involved in the inscription of the wills and desires of US Foreign policymakers into the American popular culture. The thesis will also extend the discussion to a politic cultural assessment of how the United States, through the films, represents and re-presents its superiority, and more importantly, how these films affect and shape the spectators perceptions about its foreign policy.