The “twice-looted” archives refer to a vast body of documents that were looted by Nazi agencies during, and again by Soviet Army units immediately following World War II. The archives were taken in the context of the two most intensive programs of cultural heritage looting in modern history. Their fate remained unknown until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Since then, many efforts have been made to return the documents to their original owners. However, significant obstacles have hindered restitution, leaving a large body of foreign archives in Russia. By connecting the history and current status of the “twice-looted” archives to archival theory and ethical principles on cultural heritage property, this thesis provides a foundation from which to approach archival restitution. The analysis of recent additions to archival theory provides new understandings of archival meaning that may facilitate the restitution of archives displaced by war. Reviewing the details of the archives’ successive seizures leading to their extended residency in the secret “Special Archive” (TsGOA) and discussing restitution developments on national and international levels reveals how exploitation of archives during war violates archival principles. Concluding with specific case studies further illustrates the complex nature of archives and archival meaning and its significance for archival restitution. These discussions reveal the damages that result when archives become targets of war. This in turn, encourages respect for archives and brings attention to the necessity of safeguarding archival heritage.

Part I: An Intellectual and Political History. Chapter One: Cold War Consensus Shattered. Chapter Two: Dictatorships and Double Standards. Chapter Three: The Carter Years: Was Kirkpatrick Right? Part II: Kirkpatrick and the Reagan Administration Chapter Four: The Kirkpatrick and Reagan Doctrines Chapter Five: Putting Policy to Practice: Chile and El Salvador

The post-Cold War era saw the extraordinary expansion of UN activity in the maintenance of global peace and security. Such a rapid expansion led to organizational over-stretch and failure and many in the international community began searching for ways to improve UN peacekeeping by reducing deployment time. In the mid-1990s, the Dutch, Canadian and Danish governments released proposals for a UN rapid reaction capability. Unfortunately, of the three proposals only the Danish proposed Stand-by High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) was implemented. The lack of movement toward UN rapid reaction is due to a number of factors, namely the loss of post-Cold War idealism, a disconnection with the political reality of the time and cost concerns. More fundamentally, rapid reaction posed a threat to state primacy. / October 2006

ABSTRACT Punk moved from a marginal subculture to an underground counter-culture -- hardcore punk -- which shared musical culture and sense of a communal identity. Local punk scenes grew, in part due to attention from mass media. New kids in the scene brought new tensions and attracted the attention of authorities. Two police incidents signaled a shift in the punks' view of themselves. I examine two punk scenes from 1975 to 1985 in Los Angeles, USA and Ljubljana, Yugoslavia by looking at newspapers, television programs, fanzines, music, and clothing. I show that a loosely connected group of individuals, self-identified as punk, became increasingly similar as the parent cultures put increasing pressure on punks.

Interest in the presence of environmental contaminants in the Canadian arctic and sub-arctic arises in part over concerns that Aboriginal people residing in these regions continue to rely on subsistence harvesting. Organochlorines (OCs) are a type of persistent organic pollutant (POP) that have a unique chlorine-carbon bond; this bond facilitates their unprecedented environmental longevity, lipophilicity and hydrophobic nature. OCs have been found in both the biotic and non-biotic compartments of northern ecosystems. This study examined patterns of differences with respect to body burden of organochlorines (lipid-adjusted) between the residents of the Ontario First Nations of Fort Albany (the site of MCRL Site 050), Kashechewan (no radar site), and Peawanuck (the site of MCRL 500) to assess whether geo-proximity to abandoned radar sites influenced organochlorine body burden with respect to the people of Fort Albany and Peawanuck. Correspondence analysis (CA-1) revealed people from Fort Albany had relatively higher pesticide concentrations (β-HCH and DDT, but not Mirex) and relatively lower CB (156 and 170) body burdens when compared to participants from Kashechewan and Peawanuck. CA- 2 revealed Peawanuck residents had relatively higher concentrations of CB180, DDE and hexachlorobenzene and relatively lower levels of DDT and mirex compared to participants from Kashechewan and Fort Albany. Results are suggestive but not conclusive that MCRL Site 500 may have influenced body burdens of Peawanuck residents.

Throughout the 1950s, U.S. policymakers actively encouraged Americans to participate in civil defense through a variety of policies. In 1958, amidst confusion concerning which of these policies were most efficient, President Eisenhower established the National Shelter Plan and a new civil defense agency titled The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization. This agency urged homeowners to build private fallout shelters through print media. In response, Americans used newspapers, magazines, and science fiction novels to contest civil defense and the foreign and domestic policies that it was based upon, including nuclear strategy. Many Americans remained unconvinced of the viability of civil defense or feared its psychological impacts on society. Eventually, these criticisms were able to weaken civil defense efforts and even alter nuclear defense strategy and missile defense technology.

Interest in the presence of environmental contaminants in the Canadian arctic and sub-arctic arises in part over concerns that Aboriginal people residing in these regions continue to rely on subsistence harvesting. Organochlorines (OCs) are a type of persistent organic pollutant (POP) that have a unique chlorine-carbon bond; this bond facilitates their unprecedented environmental longevity, lipophilicity and hydrophobic nature. OCs have been found in both the biotic and non-biotic compartments of northern ecosystems. This study examined patterns of differences with respect to body burden of organochlorines (lipid-adjusted) between the residents of the Ontario First Nations of Fort Albany (the site of MCRL Site 050), Kashechewan (no radar site), and Peawanuck (the site of MCRL 500) to assess whether geo-proximity to abandoned radar sites influenced organochlorine body burden with respect to the people of Fort Albany and Peawanuck. Correspondence analysis (CA-1) revealed people from Fort Albany had relatively higher pesticide concentrations (β-HCH and DDT, but not Mirex) and relatively lower CB (156 and 170) body burdens when compared to participants from Kashechewan and Peawanuck. CA- 2 revealed Peawanuck residents had relatively higher concentrations of CB180, DDE and hexachlorobenzene and relatively lower levels of DDT and mirex compared to participants from Kashechewan and Fort Albany. Results are suggestive but not conclusive that MCRL Site 500 may have influenced body burdens of Peawanuck residents.

J.O. Mallander’s Extended Play (1968) is a sound recording, a readymade, of the counting of votes in two presidential elections in Finland, during 1962 and 1968. A voice repeats monotonously: “Kekkonen, Kekkonen, Kekkonen, Kekkonen, Kekkonen…” Although the Finnish president Urho Kekkonen represents, almost personifies, the politics of the post World War II period in Finland, Extended Play does not explicitly address the political. Rather, as this essay argues, it engages in the discourses of power and politics by providing a temporalization of its fixedness, or what Jacques Derrida terms the proper. Extended Play is, in parallel with Derrida’s critique of western metaphysics, a deconstruction in sound that challenges the state ideologies conveyed in the process of the counting of votes, where the presuppositions of the presence of the voice characterizes the ambiguities of power that Kekkonen’s politics of neutrality represent. Mallander’s readymade emerges as a double of the game theory strategies of the Cold War, a mimetic surplus of the administrative control mechanisms of sound recording. Through overturning the dialectics of the original and the copy, where repetition of sound also temporalizes the representation of the proper, it does not unequivocally reproduce its content. As an aural document, repeated and mass-produced as a record, it devalues, therefore, presumptions of origin. Derrida’s idea of “sous rature” initiates, in the discussion of Extended Play as a specific form of conceptual sound art, the notion of sound under erasure, which is not reducible to an auditory or medium-specific practice.

Constitutive rhetoric theory posits that community identity is rhetorically created. There are various approaches to constitutive rhetoric, though most rhetoricians have chosen to focus on the works of Maurice Charland and Michael McGee, whose approaches focus on audience so much that often the rhetor has no agency. This project blends their ideas with those of James Boyd White to create works of criticism that highlight an increased amount of agency for the rhetor. As examples, I have chosen four case studies from the year 1954: the Brown v. Board decision, the Army-McCarthy hearing (specifically McCarthy's heated exchange with Joe Welch), the addition of "under God" to the Pledge of Allegiance, and the first article in the first dated issue of Playboy. Each chapter is designed to provide an example of what a constitutive analysis in the style of White would look like. The project begins with a description of the theories and analyses, including constitutive rhetoric, postmodernism, and textual analysis. The Brown v. Board analysis begins with a brief history of the case, moves to a rhetorical analysis, and then connects the analysis to ideas of constitutive rhetoric. The McCarthy sections examines the "Have you no sense of decency?" exchange between Welch and McCarthy. It begins with a brief explanation of McCarthy's reputation, and then utilizes an understanding of conspiracy rhetoric in the rhetorical analysis in order to explain McCarthy's constitutive efforts. The Pledge of Allegiance analysis provides a brief a summary of the Congressional arguments made to add the words "under God" to the Pledge of Allegiance, then provides a textual analysis of the Pledge (with the addition), emphasizing the power of those words, especially given the epideictic nature of the Pledge. The Playboy research focuses on the first 1954 article, which directly addresses the question of American identity. The article is contextualized with Hugh Hefner's self-proclaimed Philosophy of Playboy. Finally, all of these case studies are tied together again with further explanations of constitutive rhetoric, showing that White's understanding of constitutive rhetoric can be used to bolster Charland and McGee's in order to give agency to the rhetor.

This study examines the relationship between British and American officials and the fifty-five Wehrmacht general officers who were held as prisoners of war in the United States during World War II. This relationship transformed as the war developed and new national security concerns emerged in the immediate postwar era. As largely evidenced by the records of the United States War Department and the British War Office, the transformation of this relationship illustrates two important points. First, despite some similarities, the respective priorities of British and American authorities regarding their POW general officers differed significantly. British officials consistently interrogated and eavesdropped on all of their senior officer prisoners, primarily seeking operational and tactical intelligence to aid the Allied war effort. By contrast, American officials initially had little regard for the value of Wehrmacht general officer POWs. Second, by the end of the war, admiration for the prowess of German officers and the German military tradition in particular, coupled with anxiety about Soviet intentions and the strength of the Red Army, drove Washington into a collaborative relationship with many of the Wehrmacht general officers in its custody. The evolution of America's national security concerns in the years immediately following the end of World War II impacted its policy governing the treatment of high-ranking prisoners of war.