In 1974 following the Cyprus Crisis, the bilateral alliance between Greece and the United States entered a new period. The bilateral relations, traditionally close since the emergence of the Cold War, faced a set of challenges. Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus and the collapse of the Greek dictatorship, which enjoyed close ties with Washington, gave rise to anti-Americanism in Greek society. Moreover, Washington’s inability to contain Turkish aggression frustrated the Greek government. In response to the invasion of Cyprus, Athens announced Greece’s withdrawal from NATO with the hope of securing the active involvement of the US and NATO in the Greek-Turkish dispute. These developments required readjustments to Greek-US policies and strategies to overcome obstacles and secure their objectives. Greece’s withdrawal from and return to NATO after six years, in October 1980, symbolises best this distinct period of Greek-US cooperation. The traditional historical narrative states that after 1974 the priorities of successive Greek governments were increasingly directed at managing the country’s accession to European Economic Community while developing closer cooperation with the Balkan states. The United States remained another significant ally of Greece. This thesis emphasises that the Greek governments between 1974 and 1980 regarded the United States as the single most important ally for the Greek national security policy. The Greek governments realised that only Washington could assist Greece with both Soviet and Turkish threats. Washington, meanwhile, prioritised retaining close ties with both Greece and Turkey and an eventual re-build of NATO’s Southern Flank. What is significant is that President Carter put aside his idealistic declarations made on the campaign trail and adopted fully Ford/Kissinger’s approach toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus, i.e. the Eastern Mediterranean. Hence, the thesis underlines the element of continuity between the US administrations in the second half of 1970s. The thesis makes a significant contribution to Cold War scholarship regarding bilateral relations within the West during the era of détente. Scholars has largely overlooked the US’s relationships with Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus even though the Eastern Mediterranean region dominated the foreign policy agendas of both Ford and Carter administrations. This study argues that President Ford’s handling of relations with Greece was focused on crisis management rather than crisis solving. More significantly, although unrecognised at the time, President Carter’s relations with Greece were a significant success. Ford and Carter responded to the Eastern Mediterranean questions in ways that reflect significant continuities in their approaches. Ford and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger developed the concept of a ‘balanced approach’ towards Athens and Ankara in political, economic, and military terms that aimed at ensuring close ties with both. Carter followed the same policy concept. Carter succeeded in seeing Greece’s return to full NATO membership while resisting being dragged into the centre of Greek-NATO negotiations. During these years the Greek government also scored significant successes. Greek pressure ensured that Washington devoted equal attention to Greece and Turkey, a much more powerful regional power. Similarly, Greece received significant US economic aid while Turkey faced a strict US arms embargo. By 1980, however, the implications of the Iranian Revolution and the end of détente mandated that Turkey had to take precedence over Greece in the US’s policy considerations.

This thesis stakes out to reframe the debates surrounding a widely criticised chapter in the cultural history of modern Greece: the receptions of the classical past under the Dictatorship of 21 April (also known as 'the dictatorship of the Colonels') during the period 1967 to 1973. Informed by the hermeneutics of classical reception studies, I aim to provide a new perspective on the dictatorship, one that focuses on the contemporaneity of its discursive and visual renderings of antiquity, but which departs from a conceptual framework that is dictated by the master narrative of the Cold War (by the polarisations between Right and Left). The project converges on the ideological discourses, educational policies and the mass spectacles of the Colonels, each of which has been designated as fraught with 'ancestoritis' or 'pseudoclassicism' in the literature. In breaking away from value judgments and notions of misappropriation, it is my intention that the project functions as an exercise in a critical levelling with the dictatorship's multifold classicisms. Concomitantly, I propose that in order to better understand the politics of reception of the Aprilians, which have often seemed impenetrable, it is necessary to branch out into more cross-disciplinary methods of enquiry than those that have been employed in the past. My own approach borrows analytical tools from theories of counter-intelligence, cultural studies, political theory, educational sociology and performance studies. With this exploratory patchwork, the present study hopes to contribute toward opening up a field on which it is possible to examine the dictatorship on its own terms, while taking into account the composite articulations of antiquity with power, upward social mobility, economic development, and entertainment and leisure culture in 1960s Greece.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco dos Santos.pdf: 621684 bytes, checksum: 7408aa86803b431428e76567748e2d11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research records the relationship between Brazil and Angola, between the period of 1960 and 1970, analyzing the Afro-Brazilian Movement Pro- Liberation of Angola (MABLA); a movement that involves various sectors of the society in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The aim of this movement was to create awareness to the Brazilian public about the problems faced by the Portuguese colonies in Africa; this research focused especially on the actions leading on to the independence of Angola. There were many burdens because Angola s independence happened in the middle of the Cold War, and an aggravating factor was the Salazar s regime which was established in Portugal in 1926 and was very anachronistic. This regime had close links to Brazil almost till the end, in 1974, with the Carnation Revolution. MABLA had established relationship with the Popular Movement for Angola s Liberation (MPLA), a movement which had closed ties to the Soviet Union and Cuba. In the coup d´état of April 1, 1964, the Civil-Military regime aligned with the United States, some militants of MABL were arrested. This same Civil-Military regime was the first to recognize Angola s independence on November 11, 1975, led by MPLA. Therefore, the research examines the development of relationships between two countries, trying to understand the contexts of the decade 1960 to 1970 regarding its transformations / A pesquisa apresentada registra o relacionamento entre Brasil e Angola, entre a década de 1960 e 1970 por meio do Movimento Afro-brasileiro Pró- Libertação de Angola (MABLA). Movimento que envolveu diversos setores da sociedade tanto nas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. As ações desse Movimento manifestaram-se no sentido de sensibilizar a opinião pública brasileira para os problemas enfrentados pelas então colônias portuguesas em África. Mormente nessa pesquisa vão ser trabalhadas as ações em prol da independência de Angola, por parte do Brasil. Os ônus enfrentados foram grandes, visto que o processo de independência de Angola estava inserido na conjuntura da Guerra-Fria, tendo como agravante que estava sobre domínio do regime português salazarista estabelecido em 1926 e já muito anacrônico. Regime com o qual o Brasil teve relações estreitas até quase seu termino, em 1974, com a Revolução dos Cravos. O MABLA estabeleceu laços com o Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), movimento esse que, com passar do tempo estreitou relações com a União Soviética e Cuba. Conduto com o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1 de Abril de 1964, que alinha o Brasil com os Estados Unidos, alguns militantes do MABLA foram presos. Esse mesmo regime Civil-Militar foi o primeiro a reconhecer a independência de Angola, em 11 de novembro de 1975, tendo a frente o MPLA. A pesquisa, portanto, analisa o desenvolvimento das relações entre, Brasil e Angola, procurando entender as conjunturas da década de 1960 a 1970, tendo em vistas suas transformações

Following the collapse of the Japanese Empire (1945) and the devastation of the Korean War (1950-1953), the question of how to represent and imagine “everyday life” or “way of life” (saenghwal, 生活) became a focal point of post-colonial and Cold War contestations. For example, President Syngman Rhee’s administration attempted to control the discourse of “New Life” (shinsaenghwal) by linking the spatio-temporality of the everyday to reconstruction and modernization. “Everyday life” was also a concept of strategic interest to the United States, whose postwar hegemonic ambitions in East Asia meant spreading “the truth” about an idealized vision of American way of life through government agencies such as the United States Information Service (USIS). These ideas and representations were designed to interpellate the South Korean people into a particular kind of regulatory relationship with their bodies and minds, their conduct of their day-to-day lives, their vision of themselves within the nation and the “Free World.” “Everyday life” became, in other words, part-and-parcel of Cold War governmentality’s mechanism of subjectification. Overly privileging these top-down discourses and techniques, however, can foreclose a nuanced understanding of a rich and complex set of negotiations over the meaning of saenghwal underway in both elite intellectual and popular imagination. Through my examination of literature, criticism, reportage, human-interest stories, government bulletins, philosophical essays, photography (artistic, popular, journalistic, archival, exhibition), cartoons, and educational and feature films, I characterize this period broadly in terms of “postwar crisis of modernity.” If “colonial modernity” in Korea had consisted of tensions and collaborations between colonialism, enlightenment, and modernization, then the emergent neocolonial order of the Cold War would give rise to a reconfiguration of this problematic: national division, South Korea’s semi-sovereignty vis-à-vis the U.S. and the denial of decolonization accompanied by the false promise of democratic freedom and American-style prosperity. Negotiations of this crisis can be found across urban and rural space, contesting the representation and dissemination of universalist and developmentalist “everyday life,” which was linked to the postwar restoration of the enlightenment subject. The stakes of these contestations through the framework of saenghwal could be ontological, aesthetic, economic, affective or universalist, and were articulated across popular and intellectual registers. While works of recent English-language scholarship in modern Korean history have productively explored the question of everyday life during the colonial period and in DPRK after liberation, no work thus far has examined the significance of the relationship between intermediality and saenghwal in the cultural field of ROK in the postwar 1950s. In addition to building on the current trend of scholarship that emphasizes the continuity between colonial and post-colonial cultural formations, my analysis of literature opens up future avenues of research for those interested in understanding literature’s intersection with modes of reportage, photography, and mass visuality. The chapter on the countryside draws from a diverse array of cultural productions to analyze a space that has traditionally been discussed within the limited geopolitical context of U.S. aid and development; no scholar to my knowledge has undertaken medium-specific inquiry to think through ontological and aesthetic negotiations unfolding in the countryside. My chapter on film culture reads the postwar debates around plagiarism/imitation, melodrama/sinp’a, and realism/neorealism through the gendering discourse of “everyday feelings” (saenghwal kamjŏng), and analyzes understudied films of the era with particular attention paid to their exploration of postwar sentiment. Finally, the last chapter intervenes on the wealth of existing scholarship on The Family of Man in visual studies by situating it within a broader formation of the postwar enlightenment subject as a democratic modernizing ideal. By focusing on the affective premise of this ideal, I contribute to the existing scholarship on theories of everyday life, sovereignty, and Cold War culture, which have tended to neglect the role of intermediation and affective interpellation in the governmentality of everyday life.

This thesis explores how the local media in East Anglia portrayed the US military presence during the Cold War at times of international crisis. It aims to assess this portrayal in comparison with national media images and critically interrogates the socio-political, economic and cultural reasons for it. This media related study contributes to Cold War historiography and the historiography of the USAF. Research was mainly archival, based on discourse analysis and comparative focusing on the official discourse of the Cold War and the news media. Central to the research were the written records of the British government and articles in appropriate newspapers issued near American airbases. The region of East Anglia was selected for its strategic location and large number of military bases, and data collection focused on selected periods of international crisis due to their impact on media coverage. The examination of newspaper articles identified a wide range of images with some recurring from time to time while others remain specific to certain periods. Findings suggest that local economic as well as political interests played a role in shaping the images of the US presence in the local media, and it could be argued that there is a correlation between the conservative landscape of the region and the newspaper articles’ overwhelming tolerance or at least acceptance of the US presence, which is in line with conservative governmental discourse in all periods of crisis explored. However, the articles – and in particular the readers’ letters to the editors – also highlight that there were strong debates between supporters and opponents of the American presence, and this debate blurs the boundaries of political parties, i.e. in certain periods there are also strong opponents in the conservative camp.

O presente estudo propõe-se a investigar a agenda cultural dos intelectuais comunistas brasileiros nas décadas de 1940 e 1950, período em que o mundo viveu um rearranjo de forças politicas, econômicas e militares com o início da Guerra Fria. O embate entre as duas potências antagônicas Estados Unidos e União Soviética - também se deu no campo ideológico, mediante intensa propaganda cultural fomentada por ambos os lados, a fim de trazer a intelectualidade e a opinião pública para sua esfera de influência. Buscamos identificar os principais temas e atividades com que se envolveram os intelectuais brasileiros de esquerda neste cenário. Para tanto, o trabalho teve como fonte de pesquisa três revistas culturais comunistas Literatura (Rio de Janeiro), Fundamentos (São Paulo) e Horizonte (Porto Alegre) editadas entre 1946 e 1956, que veicularam discussões relevantes a respeito da literatura e das artes plásticas como armas ideológicas, bem como sobre a participação do escritor e do artista na política e na democratização da cultura. Mereceram especial atenção os congressos promovidos pela Associação Brasileira dos Escritores (ABDE), as atividades do Movimento pela Paz Mundial - mobilização internacional que contou com ampla participação de intelectuais brasileiros - bem como as formulações sobre a estética do realismo socialista no início do século XX na URSS e a sua divulgação no Brasil no pós Guerra, por meio dos debates e interpretações que permearam a agenda cultural comunista brasileira. / This study aims to investigate the cultural agenda of the Brazilian communist intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s, during which time the world experienced a rearrangement of political, economic and military powers with the onset of the Cold War. The clash between the two antagonistic superpowers - the United States and the Soviet Union - also took place in the ideological field, through intense cultural propaganda fostered by both sides in order to attract the intellectuals and public opinion to their sphere of influence. We seek to identify key issues and activities that engaged Brazilian leftish intellectuals in this scenario. Thereto this work was based in three communist cultural magazines as research sources - Literatura (Rio de Janeiro), Fundamentos (São Paulo) and Horizonte (Porto Alegre) - published between 1946 and 1956. These magazines conveyed meaningful discussions about literature and arts as ideological weapons, as well as on the role of the writer and the artist in politics and in the democratization of culture. Special attention has been dedicated to the conferences sponsored by the Brazilian Association of Writers (Associação Brasileira dos Escritores - ABDE), the activities comprising the Movement for World Peace an international mobilization in which Brazilian intellectuals had a large participation - as well as to the formulations about the aesthetics of socialist realism in the early twentieth century in USSR and its dissemination in Brazil in the postwar era, through the debates and interpretations that have permeated the Brazilian communist cultural agenda.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a constituição de propostas de pesquisas e de narrativas políticas sobre a questão racial no Brasil nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e, eventualmente, nuançar a emergência nesse debate de uma problemática que se chamará de multicultural. Esta investigação tem convergido, mais especificamente, para a atuação da Fundação Ford nestas décadas, bem como para a observação das redes e conexões intelectuais que se teceram a partir das dinâmicas de enfrentamentos políticos, travados durante a Guerra Fria. O foco da análise e da pesquisa tem sido dirigido para a documentação sobre a Fundação Ford, sobre as políticas governamentais norte-americanas, especialmente as secretas e diplomáticas, e para os materiais relativos à movimentação, e à construção de conexões entre intelectuais, iniciadas na década de 1950 com financiamentos a estudos da questão racial e do Problema Negro. / My research builds on the hypothesis that U.S. agencies, such as the Ford Foundation restructured in 1950 to adhere to new international guidelines in the post-war era -, drew up an agenda for investing in the racial issue, directed at intellectuals and academics from several parts of the world. Brazil was one of the regions of the globe covered by this strategy. The general aim of this work is to understand the web of networks and intellectual connections, initiated in the 1950s, and the roles and responsibilities of the Ford Foundation in the 1950s and 1960s in developing these intellectual dynamics. Racism has been an important reason for many geopolitical disputes in the post-war period, and a key question for the black American population, concerning the administration of their social problems. That question has been approached both by private foundations and government bodies but each organization has sought to influence discussion forums with their own agendas. The financial support of the Ford Foundation to intellectuals, universities, area studies, social and political leaders, as well as to national and international organizations, has helped to direct the discussion about race in other directions.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a constituição de propostas de pesquisas e de narrativas políticas sobre a questão racial no Brasil nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e, eventualmente, nuançar a emergência nesse debate de uma problemática que se chamará de multicultural. Esta investigação tem convergido, mais especificamente, para a atuação da Fundação Ford nestas décadas, bem como para a observação das redes e conexões intelectuais que se teceram a partir das dinâmicas de enfrentamentos políticos, travados durante a Guerra Fria. O foco da análise e da pesquisa tem sido dirigido para a documentação sobre a Fundação Ford, sobre as políticas governamentais norte-americanas, especialmente as secretas e diplomáticas, e para os materiais relativos à movimentação, e à construção de conexões entre intelectuais, iniciadas na década de 1950 com financiamentos a estudos da questão racial e do Problema Negro. / My research builds on the hypothesis that U.S. agencies, such as the Ford Foundation restructured in 1950 to adhere to new international guidelines in the post-war era -, drew up an agenda for investing in the racial issue, directed at intellectuals and academics from several parts of the world. Brazil was one of the regions of the globe covered by this strategy. The general aim of this work is to understand the web of networks and intellectual connections, initiated in the 1950s, and the roles and responsibilities of the Ford Foundation in the 1950s and 1960s in developing these intellectual dynamics. Racism has been an important reason for many geopolitical disputes in the post-war period, and a key question for the black American population, concerning the administration of their social problems. That question has been approached both by private foundations and government bodies but each organization has sought to influence discussion forums with their own agendas. The financial support of the Ford Foundation to intellectuals, universities, area studies, social and political leaders, as well as to national and international organizations, has helped to direct the discussion about race in other directions.

Orientador: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Lincoln Ferreira Secco / Banca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente / Banca: Tânia Regina de Luca / Banca: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Resumo: O objetivo central desta tese de doutoramento é levantar e analisar as representações sobre a manutenção da paz mundial que foram encetadas e veiculadas pela chamada grande imprensa brasileira no período compreendido entre o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e a Guerra da Coréia. Nesta direção, são apresentados e analisados os agentes e as práticas envolvidos no processo de produção e divulgação do material jornalístico brasileiro que trataram de temas referentes à manutenção da paz mundial, assim como igualmente dos espaços dedicados e das fontes utilizadas pelos periódicos no tratamento jornalístico do tema, sempre sem perder de vista as relações existentes entre a imprensa e a política durante o período enfocado. Para tanto, tem-se como fonte documental e objeto de análise os jornais O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha da Manhã, Diário de S. Paulo, Correio da Manhã, Jornal do Brasil e a revista O Cruzeiro. O material levantado e analisado permite afirmar que os jornais brasileiros suspeitavam, desconfiavam ou lançavam dúvidas sobre as possibilidades da manutenção da paz mundial, concorrendo simbolicamente para nomear e classificar os agentes responsáveis por construir um mundo pacífico ou provocar um novo conflito no período imediatamente posterior à Segunda Guerra Mundial. Com algumas nuances e diferenças, os órgãos impressos posicionaram-se política e ideologicamente a favor ou contra os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética, sendo ambas as nações representadas, respectivamente, como os responsáveis pela promoção e manutenção da paz mundial e como a desencadeadora de novos conflitos mundiais. É intenção do trabalho, portanto, demonstrar que a grande imprensa brasileira construía representações da União Soviética como ameaça a manutenção da paz mundial / Abstract: The main purpose of this doctoral thesis is to raise and analyze the representations about the world peace maintenance which were begun and broadcasted by the called great Brazilian press in the period between the end of the Second World War and the Korean War. In this way, the agents and the practices involved in the production and divulgation process of the Brazilian journalistic material that dealt with different themes to the world peace maintenance are presented and analyzed, as well as the dedicated spaces and the sources used by the periodicals in the journalistic treatment of the subject, without losing sight of the relations existing between the press and the policy during the focused period. For both, the documentary sources and objects of analysis are the newspapers O Estado de São Paulo, Folha da Manhã, Diário de São Paulo, Correio da Manhã, Jornal do Brasil, and the magazine O Cruzeiro. The raised and analyzed material allows to say that the Brazilian newspapers suspected, distrusted or raised doubts about the possibilities of the world peace maintenance, competing symbolically to name and classify the responsible agents for building a peaceful world or provoking new conflicts in the period immediately after the Second World War. With some nuances and differences, the press took the position itself political and ideologically being for or against the United States of America and the Soviet Union, being both nations represented, respectively, as the responsible for promoting and maintaining the world peace and initiating new world conflicts. The work intention is, therefore, to demonstrate that the great Brazilian press used to build representations of the Soviet Union as some threat to the world peace maintenance / Doutor

A partir de 1965, l’URSS cherche à profiter de la politique de « détente, entente, coopération » lancée par le général de Gaulle auprès des pays du pacte de Varsovie pour obtenir, via une conférence sur la sécurité européenne, le gel de l’ensemble des frontières du continent et la reconnaissance de la mainmise soviétique sur l’Europe de l’Est. Sauf que la France, partisane au contraire d’une détente censée aboutir au dépassement de l’ordre bipolaire issu de la guerre froide, n’entend pas entériner le statu quo politique et territorial européen. Dès 1969, la France décide peu à peu de se servir du projet de conférence pour promouvoir sa vision de l’Europe : la Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe doit d’une part favoriser le rapprochement entre tous les peuples du continent et d’autre part encourager chaque nation à s’exprimer en son nom propre, en dehors des alliances militaires.Lorsque trente-trois Etats européens, les Etats-Unis et le Canada se réunissent, de 1972 à 1975, pour négocier le contenu du futur Acte final de la CSCE, les Français tentent, avec leurs partenaires de la Communauté européenne, de faire de la conférence le prolongement multilatéral de la politique gaullienne de détente. Dans cette optique, ils veillent d’abord à ce que les frontières puissent être modifiées de façon pacifique : il s’agit de permettre à l’Allemagne d’être un jour réunifiée. Ils œuvrent également pour que la conférence facilite la coopération culturelle et la circulation des personnes entre l’Est et l’Ouest, le but étant, selon le président Pompidou, de transmettre aux pays communistes le « virus de la liberté » et d’enfoncer un coin dans le système des blocs. / From 1965, the USSR sought to take advantage of the French policy of détente launched by General de Gaulle towards the Warsaw Pact’s countries to set the borders in Europe and to obtain Western acknowledgment of the Soviet control over Eastern Europe. But France was in favour of a détente which would lead to overcome bipolarity created by the Cold War ; it did want to confirm the European political and territorial status quo. From 1969, France gradually decided to use the conference project to point out its vision of Europe: the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe had to promote the coming together of peoples of the whole continent and to encourage each nation to speak with its own particular voice, outside military alliances.When thirty-three European countries, the United States and Canada met, from 1972 to 1975, in order to negociate the Final Act’s content, the French and their European Community partners tried to make the conference a multilateral continuation of the Gaullist policy of détente.From this perspective, they first made sure that borders could be changed by peaceful means: it was crucial to reserve the German people’s right to be reunified. They also acted to make the CSCE facilitate cultural cooperation and movement of persons between East and West. According to President Georges Pompidou, the main goals were to transmit the « freedom virus » to the communist countries and to drive a wedge into the bipolar system.