The thesis titled A Conceptual Integrated Approach to Teaching about the Cold War at the Upper-secondary School presents the topic of the Cold War as a subject matter for an educational project implemented into History lessons at a selected Prague upper-secondary school. The thesis consists of a theoretical and a practical part. The theoretical part is a summary of the information available in scholarly literature. It contains a detailed presentation of integrated thematic teaching which is based on understanding of the human brain operation (brain- compatible teaching). Furthermore, theoretical starting point is introduced as well as the method used to present the topic. The practical part explores how background material was collected (description of situation, problem, conditions, and development of project). It also presents the analysis and interpreting of background material. Next, the results of the project are stated, together with its problems and imperfections. The practical part is supplemented with the application of the project. It outlines other ways integrated thematic teaching can be used in education.

In this paper, I consider how Robert Heinlein's Starship Troopers (1959) and Orson Scott Card's Ender's Game (1985) allegorically treat U.S. Cold War fears of invasion by the Soviet Union. Given the texts' historical relationship to the Vietnam War and their use of very similar science fiction tropes (namely, invasion by communistic, insect-like aliens), I argue that Orson Scott Card reimagines the binary Cold War conflict, softening the rhetoric of Starship Troopers and allowing for a more qualified understanding of the relationship between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S. Through this analysis, I also consider how science fiction is a useful tool of cultural criticism in that it posits future worlds so as to reflect contemporary social concerns.

This thesis seeks to show the pattern of red-baiting used in the United States to counter various forms of "subversive" social change. The paper illustrates how the issue of anti-communism was used as a political tool on the national level, and this tactic would trickle down to the state and local level, specifically into the public school systems. Focusing on Orleans Parish public schools, the narrative of red-baiting and anti-communist rhetoric is brought to life through the trials of Fortier High School. This study will chronicle how teachers became the tools of nation-building through state-sponsored "Americanism" programs. Students of Fortier and other high schools in the region were taught that to be American means specifically not to be Communist. This then is a contribution to the continuity of the politics of anti-communism in the United States from the New Deal to the Cold War eras.

Abstract For most of the Cold War, the United States attempted to maintain friendly relations with the Communist nations comprising the Eastern Bloc, but with no other Soviet satellite was the relationship as close as it was with Romania. No other member nation of the Warsaw Pact took to the United States’ overtures so eagerly. Diplomatic relations between the United States and the Romanian Communist government were established relatively early, almost immediately following the end of the Second World War. However, it was not until 1968, when Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu denounced the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, that the Romanians finally gained the Americans’ trust. Ceauşescu’s 1968 speech attacking the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and the diplomatic maneuverings surrounding it, was the pivotal moment in the relationship between the two nations, fostering an amicable relationship that would last well into the 1980s.

The thesis compares Western and Soviet approaches to creating the image of state in the Cold War period. Terms public diplomacy, propaganda and agitation are explained and the Cold War period is covered in the first section. Second chapter depicts American and British approach to the public diplomacy after WW2 and deals with Western methods and tools used to create the image of state abroad. Third section describes Soviet propaganda and its machine of the stated period and the fourth section compares and judges Western and Eastern approaches. It seems that although the differences of democratic and totalitarian form of state are relevant, the structure and institutions used to creating the image of state during the Cold War were similar on both sides of the iron curtain.

Cette thèse propose d’étudier la place des deux Allemagnes, c’est-à-dire de la RFA et de la RDA, dans les discours sur l’art contemporain en France entre 1959 et 1989. Il s’agit d’aborder de manière nouvelle l’histoire de l’art en France en considérant la place qu’y occupent ces deux pays. Leur confrontation met en relief la manière dont le regard sur les deux Allemagnes nourrit les débats et les questionnements spécifiques au contexte donné de la France. L’appréhension par le biais des deux Allemagnes permet de retracer une histoire des discours sur l’art contemporain en France dans un contexte d’antagonismes idéologiques. Les enjeux esthétiques et politiques sont indissociables dans la perception de chacune des deux scènes artistiques. Ils déterminent l’écriture de l’histoire de l’art sur le vif à laquelle se livrent les protagonistes des échanges. Dans la filiation des transferts culturels et de l’histoire croisée, ainsi que des études historiographiques récentes sur l’art contemporain, cette étude met en évidence la diversité des regards sur l’art des deux Allemagnes et en souligne les points aveugles. / This PhD thesis analyses the gaze cast on divided Germany which is at stake in the narratives on contemporary art in France between 1959 and 1989. It aims at considering French art history in a new way, paying attention to the discourses developed by French art critics and historians about the GDR and the FRG. The unequal reception of those two concurrent German art scenes during the cold war reveals the political antagonisms which French discourses about art are based on. This dissertation is inspired by historical methodologies provided by cultural transfers and crossed history, as well as by recent historiographical research on contemporary art. It points out the diverse perceptions of the two Germanies and underlines their blind spots.

L’évolution des attitudes françaises face à la Chine entre 1949 et le milieu des années 1980 peut être divisée en trois phases. Entre l’établissement de la République populaire de Chine en 1949 et la rupture sino-soviétique au début des années 1960, la Chine est perçue par les observateurs français comme un pays communiste soviétisé, tant sur le plan intérieur que sur le plan diplomatique. L’attitude des Français vis-à-vis de cette Chine traduit leurs positionnements dans les confrontations de la guerre froide. La Chine est considérée selon les différents milieux comme un pilier du mouvement communiste international, une alternative plus humaine au communisme soviétique, ou une menace « jaune et rouge » pour l’Occident. Ensuite, pendant la période qui va de 1963 à la fin de la Révolution culturelle en 1976, la Chine n’est plus perçue comme un membre du camp communiste. La rupture sino-soviétique et la Révolution culturelle donnent naissance à l’idée d’un « modèle chinois », même si elle prend des formes différentes selon les observateurs. Pour les uns, la Chine représente l’espoir de la régénération du communisme ; pour les autres, elle applique un système opposé au monde industrialisé et nullement imitable ailleurs. La troisième phase couvre la période de 1976 au milieu des années 1980, pendant laquelle les rapports des Français à la Chine se normalisent. La passion française pour les relations franco-chinoises s’estompe, et les opinions françaises sur la Chine sont devenues plus lucides. / The evolution of French attitudes towards China between 1949 and the mid-1980s can be divided into three phases. Between the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s, China is perceived by French observers as a Sovietized communist country, both domestically and diplomatically. Attitudes of French people towards this China reflect their positions in the confrontations of the Cold War. China is considered in different spheres as a pillar of the international communist movement, a more humane alternative to Soviet communism, or a "yellow and red" threat to the West. Then, during the period from 1963 to the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, China is no longer seen as a member of the communist camp. The Sino-Soviet split and the Cultural Revolution give birth to the idea of a "Chinese model", even if it takes different forms according to different observers. For some, China represents the hope of the regeneration of communism; for the others, it applies a system opposed to the industrialized world and not at all imitated elsewhere. The third phase covers the period from 1976 to the mid-1980s, during which the relations between French people and China normalize. France's passion for Franco-Chinese relationship is fading, and French views on China became more lucid.

Partindo do problema da conjugação das ideias jurídicas para as artes de governabilidade na Guerra Fria, em particular sua organização no Brasil, o Arquivo constituído por esta pesquisa permitiu elencar questões sobre uma ensejada modernização do ordenamento jurídico no país. Tal Arquivo é, assim, composto pelas principais publicações periódicas do Direito, no país, tais como as Revistas Forense e dos Tribunais, pelos debates do Congresso Brasileiro para Definição das Reformas de Base, por uma documentação do Instituto de Pesquisa e Estudos Sociais e por uma documentação norte-americana, do National Archives e do Rockefeller Archive Center, relativa à modernização da Administração Pública, à reforma do Ensino do Direito, à Comissão Internacional de Juristas e a programas voltados para a Justiça Social e Direitos Humanos. Relançando, nos quadros da luta antitotalitária transnacional, o desafio posto pela \"questão social\", no pós-guerra, o debate jurídico, no Brasil, voltou-se para as tentativas de dar forma legal-legítima à expansão da Administração Pública, de modo a manter o indivíduo como fundamento da civilização cristã e liberal. Outrossim, as ideias jurídicas lidavam, para o referido direcionamento, com um novo ritual do tempo sob a modernidade industrial e urbana, a \"aceleração do passo da história\", que, especificamente para o Direito, vinha produzindo um descompasso entre a lei e a realidade social. A partir disso, o debate jurídico voltou-se para o que nomeou de crise: do direito positivo, da tradição Civil do ordenamento nacional, do Estado de Direito, do Parlamento, do Supremo Tribunal Federal, do Ensino do Direito e, mais amplamente, das formas políticas do Ocidente. No Brasil, o que se sentia como a irresolução dessas questões, ao passo do que teria sido uma aproximação dos herdeiros de Vargas ao totalitarismo, levou ao acolhimento, a partir de um pensamento conservador norte-americano, capitaneado, especialmente, por Samuel Huntington, das premissas do que seria uma necessária transição. Isto é, dos instrumentos de compressão e descompressão políticas. Ao lado de tais instrumentos, a reorganização mais ampla da ordem jurídica do país possibilitou a ação intervencionista do Poder Executivo em nome de uma modernização. A passagem dos anos 1960 para os anos 1970 marca, todavia, uma desarticulação das artes de governo e um novo aggiornamento das políticas de Guerra Fria, especialmente a partir dos Estados Unidos: de fundo, os direitos humanos vão sendo trazidos como amálgama de uma ensejada recuperação ética e moral da Política e que teriam nos EUA seu modelo mais bem-acabado. Para países em processo de transição negociada, como o Brasil, a recuperação dessa virtude veio a informar um reajustamento das disputas palacianas, favorecendo um centro moderado que, longe de rupturas, liderasse o debate da \"redemocratização\". / Starting from the problem of the conjugation of legal ideas for the arts of governability in the Cold War, in particular its organization in Brazil, the Archive constituted by this research allowed to list questions about a modernization of the juridical order in the country. This Archive is, therefore, composed of the main periodical publications of the Law, in the country, such as the Revista Forense e a Revista dos Tribunais, by the debates of the Brazilian Congress to Define the Basic Reforms, by a documentation of the Institute of Research and Social Studies and by the National Archives and the Rockefeller Archive Center, on the modernization of public administration, reform of law education, the International Commission of Jurists and programs for \"Social Justice and Human Rights\". In the framework of the anti-totalitarian struggle, the challenge posed by the \"social question\" in the post-war period, the legal debate in Brazil attempted to give a legal and legitimate form to the expansion of Public Administration, maintaining the individual as the foundation of Christian and liberal civilization. Moreover, legal ideas dealt with a new ritual of time under industrial and urban modernity, the \"acceleration of the passage of history,\" which, specifically for law, had produced a mismatch between law and social reality. From this, the legal debate turned to what it called a \"crisis\": of the positive law, the Civil tradition of national law, the Rule of Law, the Parliament, the Federal Supreme Court, the Law Education and more broadly, of the political forms of the West. In Brazil, what was felt as the irresolution of these questions, which would have been an approximation of the \"heirs of Vargas\" to totalitarianism, led to the reception, from a conservative American thought, led, especially, by Samuel Huntington, of the premises of what would be a necessary transition. That is, of the instruments of political compression and decompression. Alongside these instruments, the broader reorganization of the country\'s legal order has enabled interventionist action by the Executive branch in the name of a modernization. The passage from the 1960s to the 1970s marks, however, a disarticulation of the arts of government and an update of Cold War policies, especially from the United States: gradually, human rights are being brought as an amalgam of a desired ethical and moral recovery of Politics and that would have in the US their best-finished model. For countries in the process of negotiated transition, like Brazil, this recovery of what would be a political virtue came to inform a readjustment of the palatial disputes, favoring a moderate center that, far from ruptures, led the debate of \"redemocratization\".

Esta dissertação busca analisar três romances e um conto produzidos nos Estados Unidos nos anos 1950, pertencentes ao gênero de ficção científica. Trata-se de Um Cântico para Leibowitz, de Walter Miller Jr, escrito entre 1955 e 1957; Saia do meu céu!, de James Blish, escrito entre 1956 e 1957; Os mercadores do espaço, de Frederik Pohl e C.M. Kornbluth, escrito em 1953; e \"Invasores do Espaço Interior\", de Howard Koch, publicado em 1959. O objetivo do trabalho é estudar e entender de que maneira as forças sociais que formavam a \"estrutura de sentimento\" daquela época se materializaram nas obras. Para isso, procuramos os momentos de utopia presentes nos romances e no conto, indicando como tais momentos são neutralizados ou deslocados por aspectos ideológicos, que barram a imaginação e as possibilidades criativas dos autores. Seguindo a tradição crítica materialista histórica, vemos que as obras de arte, mesmo aquelas que se ligam mais fortemente à chamada Indústria Cultural, são atos sociais simbólicos, os quais intentam responder aos questionamentos mais pungentes de sua época. A análise é realizada em camadas, iniciando-se no nível textual, passando para um estudo de estruturas narrativas: o foco narrativo, a representação do espaço e do tempo. Depois, selecionamos um material social fundamental para o gênero, dentre os que as obras dão voz: a ciência. Analisamos como esse material é revelado em suas potencialidades utópicas ou suas restrições históricas. O que todos os exames demonstram é que existe uma tentativa de deslocar ou neutralizar a vontade de mudanças presente nas obras. Nossa hipótese era que o crescente fechamento político e a repressão nos primeiros anos da década de 1950 tinham sido as responsáveis por essa dificuldade de pensar alternativas positivas e viáveis para o presente e o futuro dos homens. Isso fica evidenciado ao observarmos o episódio final de cada um dos objetos sob estudo. Entender como os autores responderam no passado a certa pressão social parece ser relevante hoje, como forma de evitarmos, num novo momento de repressão e crise, respostas repetidas e desviadas das preocupações reais atuais / This dissertation, Reification and Utopia in Science Fiction of the Cold War, aims at analyzing three novels and a short-story produced in the United States in the 1950s, all part of the science fiction genre. They are A Canticle for Leibowitz by Walter Miller Jr, written between 1955 and 1957; Get out of my sky by James Blish, written between 1956 and 1957; The Space Merchants by Frederik Pohl and C.M. Kornbluth, written in 1953; and \"Invasion from Inner Space\" by Howard Koch, published in 1959. The objective is to study and understand the way in which the social forces that formed the structure of feeling of that time was materialized in the works. In order to do this, we looked for moments of utopia present in the novels and short-story and how such moments are neutralized or displaced by ideological aspects, which block the authors imaginations and creative possibilities. Following the Marxian criticism, we believe that the works of art, even those closely associated to the Culture Industry, are social symbolic acts, which try to answer some of the most pressing questioning of its own time. The analysis is carried out in layers, starting in the textual level, going to the study of narrative structures: point of view, the representation of sapce and time. Afterwards, we selected one fundamental social material to the genre, among those the works include, which is science. We analyzed how such material is revealed in its utopian potentialities or historical restrictions. What all the examination demonstrate is that there is na attempt to displace or neutralize the wish for a change we can find in the narratives. Our hypothesis is that the increasing political closure and repression of the early 1950s was responsible for such difficulty in thinking of viable and positive to the present of future of humanity. This becomes evident when we observe the ending episode of each text of this study. Also, grasping how the authors answered to certain social pressures in the past seems relevant today, as a way of avoiding, in a new moment of repression and crisis, repeated and diverting answers, unconnected with the current real preoccupations.

Thesis advisor: Susan Michalczyk / After the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the United States became the one remaining superpower at the head of a unipolar international system. This new position and the repercussions of its power led to the rocky international stability of the 1990s. The Poison Umbrella Effect is a political allegory which explores this historic transition period through the relationships of college students. Anna Bennet is a freshman at Warren College who, after being elected Hall President by default, must find a balance between her friendships and her sense of power and responsibility. Her first year of college is marked by drama, disillusionment, and progress as she develops into the person she will be for the rest of her college career. With her friends representing other countries, and all of their actions representing political events of the 1990s, Anna's experiences demonstrate America's progression from a leading power in a bipoloar world, to the domineering superpower it is today. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.