Afin d’étudier les différentes représentations de l’ennemi véhiculées pendant laGuerre froide, nous avons privilégié l’analyse croisée du discours politique et dudiscours cinématographique. Le concept d’ennemi, inhérent à la politique étrangèrependant cette période, participe au processus de légitimation des actions menéespar le gouvernement américain. Le traitement de ses représentations par le cinémacontribue à ce processus devenant un vecteur de diffusion des représentations del’ennemi. Cependant, le cinéma peut également être le lieu de cristallisation desinterrogations présentes au sein de la société, battant en brèche le discours politiquedominant. Le discours cinématographique s’appréhende à la fois comme une armeidéologique participant à la désignation et à la diabolisation de l’ennemi maiségalement dans le contexte troublé des années soixante et soixante-dix comme uninstrument de contestation, révélateur des tensions sociales. / In order to study the various representations of the enemy conveyed during the ColdWar, we preferred to adopt a crossed-analysis of both the political andcinematographic discourses. The concept of enemy, which was inherent to theforeign policy at that time, took part in the process of legitimization of the actionscarried out by the American government. Its cinematographic representationscontribute to this process, cinema becoming a medium of diffusion of therepresentations of the enemy. However, it can also be the place where society'sinterrogations crystallize, thus attacking the dominant political discourse. Thecinematographic discourse can be comprehended at the same time as an ideologicalweapon, part of the designating and of the demonizing of the enemy, but also, in thetroubled context of the sixties and the seventies, as a contestation tool, saying a lotabout the social tensions.

博士(社会学) / 甲第526号 / 160p / Hitotsubashi University(一橋大学)

The main aim of this work is to compare the discourses and analyze the relations of the American and Czechoslovak intellectual Left between 1956 and 1968. It begins by Khrushchev's revelation of Stalinist crimes and by the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 which created an atmosphere of disillusionment on the Left. The global Left of this period to a substantial extent ceased to be ideologically inspired by the Soviet Union and began to rethink the foundations of its thought. So, the 1960s are the period of the flourishing leftist thought. Authors are inspired by Marxist humanism and the New Left emerges, especially in the West. There were issues which existed beyond the ideological struggle of two Cold War blocs, but the different character of the regimes in the East and the West resulted in different approaches to these issues. At the same time, the mobility of ideas and their authors or supporters increased even across the Iron Curtain. Therefore, we could see some interesting encounters and clashes of different, even though still leftist, discourses. This work tries to depict the intellectual environment of the period by dealing with issues like philosophy of Man in the context of technological changes, the tactics of the struggle against the system or bureaucracy, the relation of...

This dissertation addresses the question of the foreign policy views of the leading spokespeople for the Religious Right in the United States since the end of World War II. The analysis begins with the early years of the Cold War, focusing on the religious overtones that quickly became part of America's efforts at confronting Soviet communism. The fight against "godless" communism led to an increased emphasis on the religious character of the United States. This emphasis on religion elevated the prestige of religious conservatives, granting them a voice in both domestic and foreign policy matters. The dissertation examines how during the 1970s many religious conservatives believed that the United States had entered a period of spiritual decline. This view had a direct impact on their foreign policy views because they connected their perception of this domestic moral decay with their fears concerning what they saw as America's international decline during this same period. The dissertation discusses the specific foreign policy views of religious conservatives on issues such as defense spending, nuclear buildup, détente, foreign aid, and the end of the Cold War. It also describes how those in the Religious Right worked to find common cause with other groups within the growing conservative coalition. An analysis of their specific views demonstrates that religious conservatives often used their views on foreign-policy issues as ways to build stronger ties with, and strengthen their position in, the conservative coalition. Finally, the dissertation shows that the religious beliefs, eschatological views, and political considerations of religious conservatives led those individuals to put great emphasis on the United States' relationship with, and support for the State of Israel throughout the Cold War. After the Cold War ended, members of the religious right continued to emphasize the importance of American-Israeli relations, partially in an effort to maintain some level of relevance and credibility on foreign policy issues, and partially because the new global war on terror realigned American international priorities in a way that once again made Israel a key ally against the "forces of evil" in the world.

Foreign policy is a constant balancing between playing an active role on the international stage versus taking a more cautious stance. This study compares foreign policy development of three conservative parties during the Cold war, in three different nations with vastly different geopolitical importance. The parties compared in the study are the American Republican party, the British Conservative party and the Swedish Conservative party. This study uses party platform and election manifestos from three separate election years as the main sources for comparison. The comparison covers the early 1950’s, middle 1960’s and finally the early 1980’s. The party programs are thereafter analyzed with help of Lane Crothers model to further classify the foreign policy development of each party during the given time period. In conclusion, the study indicates a general move toward an increasingly active involvement on the international stage. The Republican party represents a foreign policy predominantlybased on military and diplomatic capacity to safeguard American foreign interest in relation to the Soviet Union. The British Conservative party as well as the Swedish Conservative party represent a foreign policy strategy with higher emphasis on international economic cooperation based on the liberal market economy.

The evolution of United States military doctrine was heavily influenced by the Wehrmacht and their early Blitzkrieg campaigns during World War II. This thesis traces the origins of this development and shows how the context of the Cold War led to a heavy influence by the Wehrmacht on American military doctrine. By analyzing studies conducted by the United States Army Historical Division from 1946-1961, I will show how these studies left a profound impact on American Military doctrine, particularly in the context of the Cold War. I will show the development of the Active Defense Doctrine and AirLand Battle during the 1970s and 1980s were largely influenced by lessons learned from the Wehrmacht. By comparing these doctrines with the Wehrmacht's Truppenführung, the influence is undeniable. Finally, I will show how the American military put these lessons into practice during Operation Desert Storm in 1991.

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovak-British relations in 1953-1957. The thesis is divided into the three parts, which are analysing the development in the aforementioned period. Each part has own chapter. These parts are political and diplomatic one, economic one and last but not least cultural one. The political part includes the basic framework of international relations in the aforementioned period, then deals with brief summary of post-war development of mutual political relations. The next main part of chapter mentions the influence of German question and Suez Crisis. The political part concludes with the subchapter about general tendencies of mutual Czechoslovak-British relations. The economic part is opened with the brief introduction of post-war development of mutual political relations. The next main part of chapter is dedicated to some mutual relations in the matter of nuclear power for civilian use. The same as the previous chapter also the economic part is concluded with the subchapter about general tendencies of mutual economic relations. The final cultural part starts with mentions of brief summary of post-war development. The main part of chapter comprises also two subchapters about Whitehaven fund and Lidice Shall Live Committee. The cultural part is concluded again with the...

The aim of this thesis is to look at the role of the United States Peace Corps as a tool of soft power in the context of international relations and at the use of soft power as an effective part of diplomacy. This thesis has looks at the role of the Peace Corps in former British colonies in West Africa between 1961 and 1970.The project has focused the relationship of the newly independent British colonies with the United States in a period of intensive ideological interest of the USSR in this part of the world. The primary materials used in the paper have been journals and newspaper articles published by the Peace Corps, testimonials of former Peace Corps volunteers and scholarly publications on the topic of the Peace Corps, West African-American relations and relations between West Africa and the USSR. The Peace Corps played an important role in establishing relations between the US and West African countries in the 1960's with a special emphasis on education.

Indiana University, Purdue University- Indianapolis / Current models of public intellectualism rely upon arbitrary and oftentimes elitist criteria. The work of Corey Robin, when combined with that of Antonio Gramsci, provides a reproducable, and scalable, series of tests for consideration of indivduals as public intellectuals. This work takes author Ray Bradbury as an example of public intellectuals who are often missed using current schemas . Bradbury serves as a test case of public intellectualism in the early Cold War period in the United States based upon this new formulation. It examines Bradbury’s work in light of the historical situation in which Bradbury operated, his work’s comparitive arguments in relation to contemporary intellectuals, and reviews some of the influence Bradbury exerted on future generations.

This creative thesis is a braided narrative in which I explore the promised lands of Utah through my travels in the summer of 2008, the Cold War defense industry, and the early career of writer Edward Abbey. America's domestic and foreign policy shifts in the first decade of the Cold War contributed to the rise of modern environmentalism and to the creation of countless new religious movements in the late 1960s and early 1970s. To illustrate the cataclysmic upheavals of this era, each chapter of this thesis has been organized according to anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace's schema of revitalization movements. In both an historical and personal context, I investigate the tensions between freedom and preservation, between defense and vulnerability, and, ultimately, between solitude and community.