This thesis presents the ways in which four major Dutch opinion journals have depicted the war of decolonization between the Netherlands and Indonesia and its afterlife in the years 1994, 1995, 2005, 2008, 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2016. More specifically, through a textual analysis of 99 articles, it investigates which frames were attributed to the war by the four journals and which arguments were used to support these evaluations. Combining theories of social memory and the media’s relationship with the public, the results are linked to the academic debate on the Dutch social memory of the war of decolonization. The findings reveal that the examined opinion journals either frame the war positively or negatively, but rarely neutrally. In addition, great continuity and stability in the ways in which the journals framed the event was found, as the tone of the articles essentially did not change between 1994 and 2016. Due to the similar topics discussed and arguments given, it is also argued that the debate which took place in the Dutch opinion journals can be understood as very similar to the academic debate on the Dutch social memory of the war of decolonization.

What does it mean to link one's own history to that of another person or group of people? In what sense can a given history be 'one's own' or 'another's'? This thesis investigates movements between histories in three autobiographical texts which confront intergenerational shifts in language, triggered by the legacies of violent histories. Nabokov charts his movement from the Russian to the English language against the backdrop of the October Revolution, the Second World War and the Cold War. Perec's text confronts the silences in his family history produced by the death of his father in the Second World War and his mother's deportation to Auschwitz. His autobiography engages with a family history of displacement and movement between religious affiliations, countries, alphabets and languages, triggered by multiple waves of anti-Semitism, culminating with his mother's death in the Holocaust. Chamoiseau explores the ambivalent cultural and linguistic affiliations produced by a post- or neo-colonial childhood in Martinique. The thesis argues that in such contexts the links between the author's life and the lives of previous generations take on a central importance. Further, it demonstrates that each author goes beyond his own collective history to forge links between his life and those of other people who have lived through or are still suffering the legacies of different histories of violence and oppression. Though these movements have sometimes been noted, the original contribution of this thesis is that it argues such movements are central to the autobiographical texts under discussion. It looks at why and how inter-generational shifts in language inflect these authors' approach to the connections between their own histories and those of other people, and tests what is to be gained when the critic takes up the comparative interpretive framework these texts establish. By opening up a dialogue between these texts and a range of current theories of traumatic memory, inter-generational transmission of memory and 'multidirectional' memory, it finds that a comparative approach has the potential to enrich and nuance current debates in these areas.

This study examines the issues of Transnistrian conflict, Transnistrian identity and Transnistrian statehood through the fields of historiography, economic development, language and educational politics, religion, Soviet ideology and the place of memory in two parts of the Republic of Moldova, Bessarabia and Transnistria. The results of this study reveal the influence of the above-listed spheres on identity in both regions, the significant role of the leadership of Transnistria and the Republic of Moldova in shaping peoples' opinion and strengthening the idea of Transnistrian statehood, and the existence of regional identity in Transnistria during a phase of transition.

In contemporary society, public discourse about abortion remains substantially controversial. Although the U.S. abortion debate remains in the public eye, there has been little to no attention focused on race. This project interrogates the role of race and racial identity in the abortion debate through. To investigate the existence of race in contemporary U.S. abortion rhetoric, I utilize a three-part conceptual framework as my rhetorical method. I examine TRF billboard campaign, paying particular attention to its employment of collective memory. Moreover, I examine how the campaign uses African American collective memories to create and sustain an argument concerning Black abortion. I conclude that racialized abortion rhetoric demands scholarly attention because it extends the boundaries of conversations about abortion. Furthermore, I contend that anti-Black abortion rhetoric increases our understanding of how communication and racial/ethnic identities mutually develop.

Orientador: Antônio Roberto Esteves / Banca: Cleide Antonia Rapucci / Banca: Maria de Fátima A. de Oliveira Marcari / Banca: Maria Dolores Aybar Ramírez / Banca: Jacicarla Souza da Silva / Resumo: A trilogia de romances da escritora catalã Montserrat Roig (1946-1991) composta por Ramona, adéu (1972), El temps de les cireres (1978) e L'hora violeta (1980) (traduzidos para o espanhol como Ramona, adiós, Tiempo de cerezas e La hora violeta) pode ser compreendida como a representação de seu projeto literário, colocando em evidência sua visão sobre o papel da literatura e a importância do registro e preservação da memória. Considera-se que tais obras, que concentram suas narrativas no período que compreende o final do século XIX até os primeiros anos da transição espanhola, recuperam memórias coletivas (HALBWACHS, 1990) relacionadas a esses anos da história barcelonesa, dando visibilidade a um passado silenciado durante a ditadura e voz a grupos marginalizados, em especial as mulheres. A trilogia integra, assim, junto a um passado que havia sido emudecido, a história das mulheres, reivindicada a partir dos movimentos feministas como forma de empoderamento. Da mesma forma que a recuperação do passado permite que o povo reconheça sua própria história e se veja nela, a escrita da história das mulheres permite reconhecer a sua participação histórica, revelando protagonismos e promovendo o auto-conhecimento. Às manifestações da memória inscritas nas obras, soma-se a memória literária (SAMOYAUT, 2008), representada a partir da intertextualidade que compõe os romances... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Catalan writer Montserrat Roig's trilogy composed by Ramona adéu (1972), El temps de les cireres (1978) and L'hora violeta (1980) (translated into Spanish as Ramona, adiós, Tiempo de cerezas and La hora violeta) can be understood as the representation of her literary project in order to highlight her vision about the role of the literature and the importance of the record and preservation of the memory. These literary works, which focus their narratives in the period that comprehends the end of the 19th century until the first years of the Spanish transition, recover collective memory (HALBWACHS, 1990) related to these years of the Barcelona's history, providing visibility to a silenced past during the dictatorship and giving voice to marginalized groups, especially the women. The trilogy integrates, thus, with a silenced past, the history of women claimed from the feminist movement as a form of empowerment. In the same way that the recovery of the past allows people to recognize their own history and see themselves in it, the writing of the women's history allows to recognize their participation in history, which reveals protagonism and promotes self-knowledge. To the manifestations of memory registered in the work is added the literary memory (SAMOYAUT, 2008) represented from the intertextuality that compounds the novels. The trilogy also discloses a process of construction which is inserted in the historiographical metafiction definition (HUTCHEON, 1991), a process of history view from the literature, which provides the self-reflection about the past and the literary work itself. Moreover, Roig inserts in the novels self-fictional elements, which evidences the literary elaboration process and the writer relation with her production. In this way, it is intended to evince that the trilogy is formed by... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Master of Arts / Department of History / Bonnie Lynn-Sherow / At the conclusion of the first decade of the twentieth century, 60 percent of high school graduates were women. They were also the first generation of young women to be labeled as “adolescents” by psychologists. By 1950, the word “teenager” had not only been coined; it was part of everyday vernacular. Historians now recognize that adolescence — as a common set of ideas about how young people behave and interact with society — is a cultural construction that has changed over time. Using a combination of scholarly literature on the subject as well as primary sources to demonstrate and interpret the interplay between the exterior forces that shaped the cultural construction of adolescence and the interior forces that shaped young women's identities, this report addresses both how a collective memory of female adolescent identity arose and how individual memory operated in the context of this collective identity. Applying theories of collective memory to the individual diaries of six young women who came of age between 1870 and 1940, this analysis represents a departure from the traditional use of diaries in historical scholarship and provides a fresh approach to the analysis of collective memory.

abstract: In speeches, declarations, journals, and convention proceedings, mid-nineteenth-century American woman's rights activists exhorted one another to action as equal heirs of the rights and burdens associated with independence and chided men for failing to live up to the founders' ideals and examples. They likened themselves to oppressed colonists and compared legislators to King George, yet also criticized the patriot fathers for excluding women from civic equality. This dissertation analyzes these invocations of collective memories of the nation's founding, described as Revolutionary heritage rhetoric, in publicly circulated texts produced by woman's rights associations from 1848 to 1890. This organization-driven approach de-centers the rhetoric of the early movement as the intellectual products of a few remarkable women, instead exploring movement rhetoric across the first generation through myriad voices: female and male; native- and foreign-born; those who spoke extemporaneously at conventions along with well-known organizers. Tracing the use of Revolutionary heritage rhetoric over a fifty-year span reveals that activists’ invocations of the founding were inseparably connected to their willingness to work for racial and class equality along with woman's rights. References to the Revolution and such slogans as “no taxation without representation” could be inclusive or exclusionary, depending upon how they were used and who used them. In the opening decades of the organized woman’s rights movement, claims to a shared Revolutionary heritage reflected larger commitments to racial, class, and gender equality. As organizations within the movement fractured around competing ideas about how to best improve women's lives, activists’ rhetoric changed as well. When the commitment to universal equality gave way to ideologies of race, class, and nativity privilege, references to the founding era morphed into justifications for limited, rather than equal rights. Revolutionary heritage rhetoric largely disappeared from suffrage, education, and pay equity arguments by the late 1880s, replaced by arguments grounded in white, Protestant, female moral superiority. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

Orientadora: Silvana Fernandes Lopes / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Henrique Tahan Novaes / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e analisar a História e Memória da ADUNESP, primeira associação docente criada após o golpe de 1964. Fundada em junho de 1976, seis meses após a unificação dos Institutos Isolados de Ensino Superior (IIES) transformados em universidade, a ADUNESP configurou-se como um movimento de resistência às medidas autoritárias tomadas na gestão universitária da UNESP, assim como contra o regime ditatorial brasileiro. A pesquisa teve como recorte histórico os anos entre 1976 e 1985, ou seja, desde sua fundação até o início do processo de abertura política brasileira. A partir da consciência de classe dos docentes, o sindicato reivindicou melhorias nas condições de trabalho, no salário e buscou espaço para a participação na gestão da universidade, lutando pela democracia, contrariando a ordem vigente. Também se mobilizou e participou de processos políticos que estiveram ligados à resistência contra a ditadura brasileira, constituindo-se como sujeito político coletivo. Para tanto, esta escrita pauta-se em processos históricos: o contexto externo engloba a polarização mundial entre capitalismo e socialismo real e suas consequências na América Latina, como os golpes militares; o contexto interno engloba o campo político e educacional, e a história da ADUNESP - fundação e organização, somados à história do sindicalismo docente, por meio de jornais, panfletos, fontes bibliográficas, e algumas entrevistas com personalidades que fizeram parte da ADUN... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The aim of this project is to present and analyze the History and Memory of ADUNESP, the first labor union created after the 1964 coup d'état in Brazil. Founded in July 1976, six months after the unification of the Institutos Isolados de Educação Superior (Isolated Institutes for Higher Education) transformed into university, ADUNESP became a resistance to the authoritarian measures taken at UNESP's management, as well as to the Brazilian dictatorial regimen. The research focused on the period of 1976-1985, that is, from the coup d'état to the beginning of the country's re-democratization. Based on the professor's class consciousness, the labor union called for better working conditions and better wages as well as more faculty influence in the university management, fighting for democracy and going against that time's establishment. It also mobilized forces and took part on political processes related to the resistance to the dictatorial regimen in Brazil, becoming a collective political subject. This dissertation is based on historical processes: the international context brings the world polarization between capitalism and real socialism and its consequences to Latin America such as military coup d'états; domestically, it covers the fields of politics and education, and the history of ADUNESP - it's founding and organization connected to faculty unionism through magazines, leaflets, bibliographical references and interviews with personalities who were part of ADUNESP's staf... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

nÃo hà / A religiÃo, como forma de conhecer e organizar as coisas do mundo, surgiu na condiÃÃo de questÃo para a Antropologia e tem acompanhado seus desenvolvimento desde seus primÃrdios como ciÃncia. Tomado como fato social total, a anÃlise do campo religioso possibilita vislumbrar as mais variadas esferas da vida social, tais como: economia, polÃtica, estÃtica, relaÃÃes de parentesco... Proponho aqui um estudo de caso de um terreiro de Umbanda localizado no bairro do Pirambu, em Fortaleza. A partir das narrativas - rituais e pessoais - acompanho as geraÃÃes de um grupo que nÃo permanece o mesmo ao longo do tempo. Ritualisticamente, alguns elementos entram; outros (jà sem uso) saem; outros ainda sÃo ressignificados, porÃm sem uma mudanÃa radical da estrutura de culto. Admitindose que toda religiÃo à um rearranjo de crenÃas preexistentes, a Umbanda somente se utiliza destas interritualidades para reafirmar sua condiÃÃo desde o surgimento: uma religiÃo flexÃvel e em constante construÃÃo. / The religion, like a form of. To know about and to organize the things of the world, appeared as question for the Anthropology and it has folloied its development since its beginning as science. Like a fact social total, the analysis of the religious field makes possible to glimpse the most varied spheres of the social life, such as: economy, politics, aesthetic, blood relationsâ I consider here a study of case of a place of fetichism of Umbanda located in the quarter of the Pirambu, Fortaleza. From the narratives - ritual and personal - Iâve folloied the generations of a group that does not remain the same throughout the time. Some elements enter; others (already without use) leave; others still are remeaning, however without a radical change of the cult structure. Admitting itself that all religion is a rearrangement of preexisting beliefs, the Umbanda is only used of these interrituals to reaffirm its condition since the sprouting: a flexible religion and in constant construction.

In Argentina, the violence of the recent past has become the central analysis of History and Collective Memory. The crimes and human rights violations that occurred during the last dictatorship (1976-1983) have been the object of dispute. The “two demons” theory that derived from the report of the “National Commission of the Disappeared” assigned equal responsibility to the two parties involved in the conflict: the dictatorship and the militant opposition. The theory positioned Argentinean society as a spectator or victim of the violence. Since the return of democracy in 1983, Argentinean social discourse has shown fluctuations in the conflictive relationship between History and Collective Memory regarding this traumatic time period. The literary discourse, as an integrated part of the social discourse, shares common arguments and topics which are inscribed and transformed in post dictatorship literary texts. This dissertation analyses the fictional representation of History and Collective Memory in four Argentinean novels published between 1995 and 2002: Dos veces junio (2002) by Martín Kohan, El secreto y las voces (2002) by Carlos Gamerro, Ni muerto has perdido tu nombre (2002) and Villa (1995) by Luis Gusmán. I argue that these novels present the necessary equilibrium between the two narrations of the past. By introducing narrating voices outside the dual format of victims and victimizers, the characters seem to extend responsibility for what had happened to other groups of individuals. These novels also introduce the children of the disappeared, who want to recover their “incomplete” family identity. I assert that these characters bring into question the theory of the “two demons”. They signal that there are other protagonists of the crimes: the witnesses who kept silent for many years. The question of social responsibility during the last dictatorship is embedded in the representation of the conflictive relationship between Collective Memory and History. Impunity for the human rights violations intertwines the four novels by highlighting the omission, silence and cowardly attitudes possessed by the characters. Those who witnessed the crimes that erased many identities, and remained silent, share part of the responsibility.