Habilitationsschrift--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 472-516. Index.

Dissertation--Göttingen--Georg-August-Universität, 2003. / Bibliogr. p. 484-510.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Universität zu Köln, 1997. / Titre de dos : "Bäuerliche Alltagsstrategien in der BSSR" Bibliogr. p. 389-406. Index.

In this contribution to the study of history of the Southern Bohemia I have tried to breefly depict the main period of the socialistic transformation of the farming in the region of Trhové Sviny in the 50-ies and early 60-ies of the 20th century, with all the consequences it brought to the life of the inhabitants of this land. The starting point of the process was the year 1949, when the county of Trhové Sviny was created as administration unit. In this year also the new law of collective farms came to force, becoming the fundamental norm which has changed dramatically the traditional way of farming and living in the country, established through ages. The second milestone pointed up in the article is the turn of the year 1959-1960, when the last stage of the collectivisation was introduced by the amended law of collective farms and when the county of Trhové Sviny was disestablished. Significant part of the work is the comprehensive list and review of the major directives, regulations and public notices, which made the socialisation or {\clq}qcollectivisation`` of the czech coutry lawful and enabled the oficials to put it into practice.

This study aims to examine the media representations of the refugees in the United Kingdom, during the first three months of 2018. The stated period succeeds the peak of the refugee crisis, which benefitted from a high media coverage. Scholars have concluded that media representations of the refugee crisis during its peak were often stereotyped and collectivised. This thesis aims to find out how the refugee crisis is represented in the period after the peak. Thus, the thesis analyses the newspaper The Guardian, by using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis in order to reveal the frames and collectivisation/individualisation practices in the news articles. In this way, the theories of representation, stereotyping and framing represent the basis of this study. Furthermore, individualisation and collectivisation practices represent the core of this thesis, since studying their presence can reveal underlying stereotypes in the news articles. The analysis revealed that The Guardian’s reports presented both individualised and collectivised representations of the refugees. Hence, the thesis concluded that The Guardian has attempted a more positive way of reporting, but their reports are not totally objective and unbiased.

Depuis 1958, les parlementaires, quels que soient leur assemblée ou leur groupe, manifestent une unité de vote exemplaire. Celle-ci est la manifestation de la discipline de vote, phénomène complexe que certains, notamment, les parlementaires et ceux qui ont vocation à les assister, définissent comme une autodiscipline. Elle apparaît, cependant, comme le résultat d’un conditionnement mâtiné de contraintes exercées par des structures, groupes parlementaires, partis politiques et Gouvernement, qui ont intérêt au maintien de l’unité. Tous agissent en direction des élus qui, s’ils adhèrent par principe à la consigne de vote élaborée dans le cadre du groupe, sous le contrôle du parti et/ou du pouvoir exécutif, peuvent parfois exprimer quelques réticences. Ces actions, cumulées, prennent la forme de pressions et confortent l’existence de la discipline de vote.Au-delà de la pratique parlementaire, et parce qu’elle assure la collaboration des pouvoirs propre au régime parlementaire, la discipline de vote est devenue, comme le démontre sa constance, une caractéristique de la Cinquième République. Une pratique institutionnelle qui semblait pourtant contraire aux principes du régime représentatif, forgés à la Révolution. Si la discipline de vote est aujourd’hui considérée comme, sinon conforme, du moins compatible avec eux, c’est qu’elle révèle une lecture rénovée du régime parlementaire, fondée non plus sur la division, mais sur la fusion des pouvoirs / Since 1958 MPs’, whatever their assembly or their group, show an exemplary unity of vote. The latter is the result of party discipline, a compound subject, which some, in particular, MPs’ and those who have authority to assist them, define as self-discipline. Party discipline appears, however, as the outcome of a conditioning mixed with constraints exercised by organizations, parliamentary groups, political parties and Government. Their common interest is to maintain unity. They all act towards the elected members. The latter, on principle, subscribe to the voting instructions, worked out within the scope of the group, under the party and/or the executive power control. Nevertheless, the elected members may sometimes be reluctant.All these actions become pressure, confirming that unity is not only the result of cohesion but really of party discipline. Beyond the parliamentary practice, and because it guarantees powers’ collaboration, which is peculiar to the parliamentary system, party discipline has become, as its constancy shows, a major characteristic of the French Fifth Republic. An institutional practice that appeared, however, to go against the French representative system’s principles, established during the Revolution. If party discipline is now considered as, if not in accordance with, but at least compatible with them, it is that it reveals a new way to define the parliamentary system, based not on powers’ divisions anymore, but on their fusion

Thèse, Lettres, Paris, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. [465]-496.