De nombreux travaux ont été réalisés sur la franc-maçonnerie, son histoire et ses pratiques, mais aussi sur son influence au XVIIIème siècle. Cependant, aucune recherche universitaire n’a été menée sur son activité au cours des XXème et XXIème siècles. Organisation discrète, la franc-maçonnerie compte aujourd’hui un peu plus de 6 000 000 de membres à travers le monde et a toujours été significativement présente au sein des gouvernements français. Il n’est aujourd’hui plus contesté qu’elle a marqué de son empreinte les combats pour la laïcité de l’enseignement, la liberté d’association ou la séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat. Néanmoins, à l’heure actuelle, on doute parfois de la réalité de cette influence. Les lois relatives à la contraception, à l’interruption volontaire de grossesse ou encore, plus récemment, à la bioéthique ou à l’interdiction du voile intégral sont pourtant toutes réputées avoir reçu le soutien de la franc-maçonnerie. De la pure et simple rédaction dans des loges d’un texte voté ultérieurement, à la fameuse coalition parlementaire, sans oublier les innombrables ministres réputés maçons, l’influence des obédiences prendrait des formes diverses. Ce travail a pour objet de démontrer la réalité de cette influence tout en en déterminant les spécificités : son identité, son fonctionnement, mais aussi son but et certaines de ses techniques la distinguent des autres auteurs d’influence. Ensuite, cette recherche s’attache à vérifier l’adéquation de la qualification de groupe d’intérêt que revendique la maçonnerie. La démarche adoptée emprunte aux outils proposés par la sociologie juridique, l’influence de la maçonnerie apparaissant comme un phénomène social, comptant parmi les causes de ces lois. En outre, le recours aux données statistiques, comparatives, historiques, à l’entretien, ainsi qu’à la légistique a permis de pallier les lacunes qu’auraient laissées les seules recherches bibliographiques. / A lot of research work has been carried out about Freemasonry, its history and its customs, but also about its influence in the 18th century. Nevertheless, no academic research has been led on its activity during the 20th and 21st centuries. Freemasonry, a discreet organisation, is nowadays composed of a little more than 6,000,000 members around the world and has always been significantly present within the French governments. No one now denies that it has left its mark in the fights for school secularism, freedom of association or the separation of Church and State. However, currently, the reality of its influence is sometimes put into question. The laws pertaining to contraception, voluntary termination of pregnancy or, more recently, bioethics or the ban on the full veil, are however all well-known for having received the backing of Freemasonry. From the sheer writing in the lodges of a text which is to be voted in at a later stage to the famous parliamentary coalition, as well as the countless ministers who are well-known for being freemasons, the influence of the Masonic Obediences is said to take various forms. This work’s objective is to check the reality of this influence while determining its specificities: its identity, its workings, but also its purpose and some of the techniques used make it different from those written by other influential authors. Moreover this research also aims at checking that the classification claimed by Freemansonry as an interest group is adequate. The approach chosen required the use of the tools suggested by legal sociology, since the influence of Freemasonry appears as a social phenomenon, being one of the causes of these laws. Besides, the use of statistical, comparative and historical data, of interviews as well as legal drafting has made it possible to fill in the gaps that would have remained if only bibliographic sources had been used.

Depuis 1958, les parlementaires, quels que soient leur assemblée ou leur groupe, manifestent une unité de vote exemplaire. Celle-ci est la manifestation de la discipline de vote, phénomène complexe que certains, notamment, les parlementaires et ceux qui ont vocation à les assister, définissent comme une autodiscipline. Elle apparaît, cependant, comme le résultat d’un conditionnement mâtiné de contraintes exercées par des structures, groupes parlementaires, partis politiques et Gouvernement, qui ont intérêt au maintien de l’unité. Tous agissent en direction des élus qui, s’ils adhèrent par principe à la consigne de vote élaborée dans le cadre du groupe, sous le contrôle du parti et/ou du pouvoir exécutif, peuvent parfois exprimer quelques réticences. Ces actions, cumulées, prennent la forme de pressions et confortent l’existence de la discipline de vote.Au-delà de la pratique parlementaire, et parce qu’elle assure la collaboration des pouvoirs propre au régime parlementaire, la discipline de vote est devenue, comme le démontre sa constance, une caractéristique de la Cinquième République. Une pratique institutionnelle qui semblait pourtant contraire aux principes du régime représentatif, forgés à la Révolution. Si la discipline de vote est aujourd’hui considérée comme, sinon conforme, du moins compatible avec eux, c’est qu’elle révèle une lecture rénovée du régime parlementaire, fondée non plus sur la division, mais sur la fusion des pouvoirs / Since 1958 MPs’, whatever their assembly or their group, show an exemplary unity of vote. The latter is the result of party discipline, a compound subject, which some, in particular, MPs’ and those who have authority to assist them, define as self-discipline. Party discipline appears, however, as the outcome of a conditioning mixed with constraints exercised by organizations, parliamentary groups, political parties and Government. Their common interest is to maintain unity. They all act towards the elected members. The latter, on principle, subscribe to the voting instructions, worked out within the scope of the group, under the party and/or the executive power control. Nevertheless, the elected members may sometimes be reluctant.All these actions become pressure, confirming that unity is not only the result of cohesion but really of party discipline. Beyond the parliamentary practice, and because it guarantees powers’ collaboration, which is peculiar to the parliamentary system, party discipline has become, as its constancy shows, a major characteristic of the French Fifth Republic. An institutional practice that appeared, however, to go against the French representative system’s principles, established during the Revolution. If party discipline is now considered as, if not in accordance with, but at least compatible with them, it is that it reveals a new way to define the parliamentary system, based not on powers’ divisions anymore, but on their fusion

The thesis Revision of french constitution in 2008 analyses french case of the constitutional revision initiated by Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. This case study focuses on the complex way of modifying constitution in France. It was the biggest constitutional revision in the history of The Fifth Republic. The aim of this revision was to modernise institutions and their better equilibrium. The thesis is divided into two main parts. First chapter mainly analyses the propositions of Committee of reflexion about modernisation and equilibrium of institutions of The Fifth Republic, called Committee of Balladur. This Committee proposed 77 suggestions. Three main goals of this revision were declared: a better control of executive power, reinforcement of Parliament and new right for the citizens. Second chapter focuses concretely on the constitutional law nř2008-724 from 23 July 2008. This paper analyses how the three initially declared goal were accomplished. Concerning the executive power, the powers of the president was limited mainly symbolically in several constitutional articles. His mandate is limited to two succeeding mandats, some of his nomination are newly controlled by Parliament, he has no more power to grant a general pardon. But we can not consider these symbolical changes as a real limitation of executive...