This thesis examines the history of the judges of Kenya and Tanganyika between 1897, when the first British court was established in Mombasa, and 1963, when Kenya gained independence. The formation of judicial identities and the judiciary’s role within the colonial state are the main themes. The recruitment process into the Colonial Legal Service is discussed. Legal recruitment was both unique and problematic, mainly because there was a shortage of vacancies for newly-qualified barristers. Many were forced to seek employment elsewhere, but for those fortunate enough to secure positions within the barristers’ profession the financial rewards were substantial. This led to fears that second-rate barristers who were unable to make a living in Britain applied to serve in the colonies as legal officers. As a consequence, the length of applicants’ professional experience became an important factor for recruitment officials. Aspects of judges’ backgrounds are systematically analysed in order to produce a profile of the type of judge who served in the two territories during the colonial period. Judges were among the most mobile of colonial officers and typically served in four or more territories during their colonial careers. These factors shaped their collective identity. At the same time, they partly determined their attitudes towards the various laws they were called on to administer. In setting out the structure of the courts and the laws that were in force, a number of cases are discussed in order to demonstrate judicial attitudes over time. Two chapters focus on Tanganyika during the interwar period, illustrating divides between the administration and the judiciary regarding the administration of justice. Based on memoirs and personal papers, the professional lives of two judges are traced in order to gauge their views on the political events that surrounded them. The final two chapters focus on Kenya in the 1950s. The testimony of advocates is used as a means of inquiring into the characters and attitudes of the judges they appeared before. It provides an impression of the legal profession in late colonial Kenya, as both advocates and judges alike defined their professionalism with reference to the legal profession in Britain. The focus then shifts to judicial decisions made during the Mau Mau rebellion between 1952 and 1959, with particular emphasis being placed on the attitudes and professionalism of the judges of the Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa. The thesis offers a new interpretation of the judiciary’s place within the colonial state; by arguing that as a result of remaining part of the barristers’ profession in Britain, it suggests that colonial judges found it more difficult to adapt to the realities of functioning within the colonial state than members of other branches of the Colonial Service. This discord contributed to the emergence of a distinct judicial identity in the colonies.

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This dissertation examines the relationships between citizenship and sexuality and gender in imperial formations, through an archaeology/genealogy of the subject position of those classified as the hijra. Combining Lacan's symbolic order with Foucault's historic a priori in order to understand empire, this project examines two main questions: how were sexuality and gender -- notably manifest in the subject position of the hijra -- used as forms of political control in colonial India; and how transformations in empire were produced through changing representations of the hijra. Consequently, the hijra represent a key point -- or, in the words of Lacan, le point de capiton -- in the anchoring of a field of meaning that enabled colonial governance in both a diachronic and synchronic fashion; in other words, the figure of the hijra was translated by the colonial writers in such a way as to facilitate the creation of an ideology that privileged British understandings of sexuality and masculinity, not to mention civility, modernity, and, to a degree, religiosity, establishing British authority in the region. This project consists of a textual analysis of nineteenth-century British documents and writings, especially historical records, such as ethnographies, translations, census information, official reports, intra-government communications, and legal documents from the late eighteenth through early twentieth centuries, with a focus on the nineteenth. Through an examination of these sources, this dissertation explores how this group was translated by the colonial authorities; that is, it queries the conditions under which they were represented as a group that was constituted by those who were defined by sexual and gendered characteristics -- eunuchs, hermaphrodites, and impotent men.

L’ineffectivité du droit positif en Afrique est considérée comme l’une des principales causes de son sous-développement et/ou de son mal de développement. A titre d’illustration, la situation de « non-droit » qui prévaut en Côte d’Ivoire en matière matrimoniale apparaît comme l’une des plus édifiantes de cette corrélation entre ordonnancement juridique et développement (lato sensu)En effet, à l’instar de toutes les anciennes colonies françaises du bloc de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, la Côte d’Ivoire hérite du fait juridique (du moins dans son acception positiviste) de la colonisation. Il s’ensuit que, naturellement, le système juridique de l’ensemble de ces jeunes Etats africains trouve son inspiration, par le canal du droit colonial, dans le droit français. Mais la Côte d’Ivoire a adopté une solution différente de celles de la plupart des autres Etats. Les nouveaux gouvernants ivoiriens prirent le parti d’aligner purement et simplement leur droit sur celui de leur ancien colonisateur. Cela se traduisit au civil par l’adoption du Code français de 1804, donné comme un gage de développement et de révolution sociale, au détriment des innombrables coutumes civiles, considérées comme étant inconciliables avec le nouvel ordre constitutionnel et l’édification d’une nation ivoirienne. De cette volonté politique d'assimilation et d’unification juridique, qui se perpétue en Côte d’Ivoire depuis son accession à la souveraineté, naquit un véritable conflit de normes, entre d’une part, un droit étatique, notamment en matière matrimoniale, qui prévaut mais ne s’enracine pas, et d’autre part, des coutumes civiles, dont l’attrait pèse sur la crédibilité du droit officiel. / The inefficiency of the positive law in Africa is considered as one of the underlying reasons of its underdevelopment and/or of its development malaise. The state of lawlessness that prevails in Côte d’Ivoire in marriage-related issues appears to be the case in point, being one of the most instructive and globalizing within the correlations between legal order and development in its widest sense. As a matter of fact, like in all of the former French colonies of French West Africa block, Côte d’Ivoire’s legal (at least, in a positivist sense) system is a product of its colonial past. Therefore, the legal systems in all these young African states are naturally inspired by the French law, through the channel of colonial law. However, Côte d’Ivoire’s solution differs from most of those of its fellow regional states. The new Ivorian government opted for an outright alignment of their law and the legal system with that of the former colonizer. For the civil law, this translated into the adoption of the French Code of 1804, taken for a token of development and social revolution, at the expense of countless civil customs considered to be incompatible with the new constitutional order and nation-building. Out of this political will of assimilation and legal unification - that has been ongoing in Côte d’Ivoire since independence - was born a true conflict of norms. On the one hand, a state law, especially in matrimonial matters, is prevalent but still strives to take root. On the other hand, civil customs that are still attractive bite into the credibility of the official law.

Deux ans après la grande révolte des esclaves en août 1791 à Saint-Domingue, une période transitoire ou intermédiaire de l’histoire coloniale s’ouvrit à partir des proclamations d’août 1793 et se termina en novembre 1803. De cette période, naquit un ordre juridico-politique nouveau, à partir duquel s’élabora un « nouveau modèle » social colonial, qui deviendra plus tard, mutadis mutandis, le « modèle social haïtien ». À l’analyse, l’étude de ce droit colonial intermédiaire se révèle extrêmement intéressante pour le droit, l’histoire, la sociologie et l’anthropologie, tant la ressemblance entre le droit colonial nouveau et le droit national matriciel (1804-1843), entre le modèle social colonial intermédiaire et celui national est absolument frappante. À titre d’exemple, la question de la citoyenneté qui apparaissait comme un surdéterminant d’importance dans les diverses luttes sociales et politiques était refusée, voire niée aux ci-devant esclaves, diversement qualifiés de nouveaux libres, de cultivateurs ou agriculteurs, tant dans la période intermédiaire que dans celle nationale.Les premiers dirigeants du nouvel État reproduisirent à la perfection les dispositions des actes réglementaires ou législatifs datant de la période intermédiaire dans le but avoué de restaurer la culture et la splendeur de l’ancienne colonie (mais non pas de faire monter en intelligence, en puissance, en dignité et en bien-être les couches sociales haïtiennes inférieures). Ainsi, durant la première moitié du XIXe siècle, les cultivateurs/agriculteurs haïtiens, mais aussi les simples soldats, assistèrent tragiquement – non sans résistance - au dévoiement des idéaux de la révolution haïtienne d’indépendance par les élites politico-économiques (jadis qualifiés d’anciens libres propriétaires), ceux-là mêmes qui se proposaient d’être les gardiens de la plus authentique et émouvante des révolutions de la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Une situation qui ne manqua pas de poser des problèmes politiques profonds et soulever des revendications légitimes de la part des cultivateurs haïtiens, qui, hier encore, se trouvaient exclus du théâtre du droit, du monde de la politique et de l'économie, bref de la société coloniale post-esclavagiste. / Two years after the great revolt of the slaves in august 1791 in Santo Domingo, a transitional or intermediate period of colonial history opened from the proclamations of august 1793 and ended in november 1803. This period led to the birth and the rise of a new juridico-political order, which resulted in a new colonial social "model", which later became, mutatis mutandis, the "Haitian social model". The analysis of this intermediate colonial law proves to be extremely interesting for law, history, sociology and anthropology, as well as the similarity between the new colonial law and national matricial law (1804-1843), between the intermediate colonial social model and the national one is absolutely striking. For example, the question of citizenship, which appeared to be an extremely important determinant in the various social and political struggles, was denied, even denied, to the former slaves, variously referred to as new liberals, farmers or growers, in the intermediate period as well as in the national one. The first leaders of the new state reproduced perfectly the provisions of the regulatory or legislative acts dating from the intermediate period with the avowed aim of restoring the culture and splendor of the former colony (but not of raising intelligence, power, in dignity and in well-being the lower Haitian social strata). Thus, during the first half of the nineteenth century, Haitian farmers and growers, as well as ordinary soldiers, tragically witnessed - not without resistance - the devastation of the ideals of the Haitian revolution of independence by the politico-economic elites the former free owners), the very ones who proposed to be the guardians of the most authentic and moving revolutions of the end of the eighteenth century. A situation which did not fail to pose deep political problems and raise legitimate demands from Haitian farmers, who were, until recently, excluded from the theater of law, the world of politics and the economy, in short the post-slavery colonial society.

Much of what has been researched on Shona fiction has been limited to literature published before independence. The current research endeavours to assess the treatment of socio-economic issues as conveyed through fiction published since 1990. This fiction focuses on socio-economic issues in both pre-colonial and independent Zimbabwe. The study endeavours to establish if writers who focus on these issues in the pre-colonial era have been able to reclaim a complicated picture of the African pasts. It also discusses fiction that focuses on post-independence experiences; such as extent of the impact of empowerment brought about by independence, continued poverty among Africans, emancipation of the female being and the HIV and AIDS pandemic. Here, it strives to ascertain if the writers have identified the causes and offer meaningful solutions to these. The study observes that contemporary novelists on the Shona pasts have reclaimed more realistic ‘worlds’ when compared to their predecessors who have largely presented distorted images of these pasts. On the outcome of independence, two groups portray it as a total success and a total failure respectively, whilst the third and more successful group gives a balanced exposition. Fiction on poverty among contemporary Africans falls into two classes, namely rural and urban. The former still suffers from the heavy influence of colonial myths as it only highlights the effects of poverty without situating them in their tension-ridden historical context. The latter provides important sociological information on the plight of the characters but is lacking when it comes to suggesting ways of alleviating such poverty. On female empowerment, it emerges that while some writers are for women empowerment, others are against it. Women writers are better at explaining problems of women. However, both groups are still unable to identify the root cause of the incapacitation of women. On HIV and AIDS, whilst male writers demonstrate a wider social vision on the factors that disempower society against the spread and curbing of the virus, female authors still fall in the trap of blaming both men and Shona traditional customs. Overall, it emerges that contemporary Shona writers reveal contradictory modes in articulating these issues. / African Languages / Thesis (D. Litt et Phil. (African Languages))

Much of what has been researched on Shona fiction has been limited to literature published before independence. The current research endeavours to assess the treatment of socio-economic issues as conveyed through fiction published since 1990. This fiction focuses on socio-economic issues in both pre-colonial and independent Zimbabwe. The study endeavours to establish if writers who focus on these issues in the pre-colonial era have been able to reclaim a complicated picture of the African pasts. It also discusses fiction that focuses on post-independence experiences; such as extent of the impact of empowerment brought about by independence, continued poverty among Africans, emancipation of the female being and the HIV and AIDS pandemic. Here, it strives to ascertain if the writers have identified the causes and offer meaningful solutions to these. The study observes that contemporary novelists on the Shona pasts have reclaimed more realistic ‘worlds’ when compared to their predecessors who have largely presented distorted images of these pasts. On the outcome of independence, two groups portray it as a total success and a total failure respectively, whilst the third and more successful group gives a balanced exposition. Fiction on poverty among contemporary Africans falls into two classes, namely rural and urban. The former still suffers from the heavy influence of colonial myths as it only highlights the effects of poverty without situating them in their tension-ridden historical context. The latter provides important sociological information on the plight of the characters but is lacking when it comes to suggesting ways of alleviating such poverty. On female empowerment, it emerges that while some writers are for women empowerment, others are against it. Women writers are better at explaining problems of women. However, both groups are still unable to identify the root cause of the incapacitation of women. On HIV and AIDS, whilst male writers demonstrate a wider social vision on the factors that disempower society against the spread and curbing of the virus, female authors still fall in the trap of blaming both men and Shona traditional customs. Overall, it emerges that contemporary Shona writers reveal contradictory modes in articulating these issues. / African Languages / Thesis (D. Litt et Phil. (African Languages))

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-06T15:09:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 yobanimaikelgonzalesjauregui.pdf: 4152757 bytes, checksum: 1551f49302a62a6172276f082a5f9232 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-02T13:28:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 yobanimaikelgonzalesjauregui.pdf: 4152757 bytes, checksum: 1551f49302a62a6172276f082a5f9232 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-02T13:28:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 yobanimaikelgonzalesjauregui.pdf: 4152757 bytes, checksum: 1551f49302a62a6172276f082a5f9232 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / El presente trabajo de investigación analiza el uso de la vía judicial por parte de la población esclava en Lima durante el siglo XVII, así como el papel de la Iglesia en la protección de su vida conyugal. Siendo la legislación eclesiástica la que aportó de forma decisiva al reconocimiento de los esclavos como seres humanos. En ese sentido, nuestra propuesta buscará reconstruir los caminos de adecuación y resistencia que los esclavos ofrecieron frente al sistema. Asimismo, cómo este les permitió cuestionarlo a través de sus propios elementos, como el derecho. / This paper analyzes the use of the courts by African population in Lima in- seventeenth century, as well as the church's role in the protection of their married life. The paper also explores the way ecclesiastical legislation decisively contribuited to the recognition of slaves as human beings. In order to achieve this purpose, the paper reconstruct the mechanisms of adaption and resistance used by slaves against the slavery system. In addition, the text shows how the system itself allowed slaves to question it through its own elements such as the law

L’eau, ressource au cœur des préoccupations économiques, techniques, politiques, culturelles, etc., inquiète le monde juridique, y compris l’histoire du droit. Le droit colonial français se rapportant à l’eau constitue un domaine d’investigation qui suscite l’intérêt compte tenu de la portée de cette problématique au sein du continent africain depuis le XIXe siècle. À cette époque, ce territoire subit d’importantes transformations à la fois juridiques, politiques et sociales. Si les grandes artères fluviales favorisent la pénétration française en Afrique, les eaux douces dans leur globalité s’avèrent être le véhicule majeur de la colonisation. Protection, distribution équitable, exploitation, mise en valeur, etc., constituent des besoins conduisant à un encadrement juridique de cette ressource. S’appropriant les eaux dès le départ, le colonisateur français élabore, au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles, un droit suis generis organisant la gestion des eaux dans les territoires conquis. Ce « droit colonial de l’eau », marqué par une « domanialisation »globale de la ressource, s’établit de façon progressive. La législation, ponctuelle dans un premier temps, devient systématique à partir des années 1920, dans un contexte de prélèvement accru de la ressource. Une approche historique de la gestion de l’eau en Afrique présente un double intérêt : illustrer la circulation du principe de la domanialité publique entre la métropole et les colonies et mettre en évidence la réception de ce principe dans les colonies, en tant qu’il bouleverse les pratiques traditionnelles, déforme la logique locale et finit par se greffer aux législations des nouveaux États africains. / Water, an essential ressource, has préoccupied the juridical world and occupies an important place in the history of law. French colonial law concerning water constitutes a vital field of historical research, given its importance in the African continent since the nineteenth century. In this period, the region underwent important juridical, political and social transformations. It was via the great rivers that France entered Africa, and colonial settlements centered around the major bodies of fresh water. The need to protect, to distribute equitably, to manage and to develop fresh water ressources led to the development of a specific juridical framework concerning it. Since the early stage of the colonization, French rule appropriates water and develops during the 19th and 20th centuries a law of exception organizing water management in conquered territories. This "colonial water law", marked by a global "domanialization" of the resource, is gradually established. Legislation, ad hoc at first, becomes systematic from the 1920s, in a context of incraesed resource extraction. A historical approach to water management in Africa is of twofold interest: it illustrates the circulation of the principle of state ownership between the European countries and their colonies and it highlights the reception of this principle in the colonies, insofar as it disrupts traditional practices, deforms local logic and ends up grafting on to the legislations of the new African states.

Historically South African law has been dominated by Western law. Indigenous law and the jural postulates which underpin that law are insufficiently accommodated in the South African legal order. The Western component of the official legal system is regarded as institutionally and politically superior and is as such perceived to be the dominant system. In contrast indigenous law is regarded as a servient system. The monopolistic control of the legal order by the Western section of the population resulted in the creation of a legal order primarily suited to its own needs. The fact that few of the values of indigenous law are reflected in the official legal system and the fact that there is a measure of conflict and tension between the fundamental precepts of indigenous law and those of Western law, gave rise to a crisis of legitimacy of the official legal system in South Africa. This in turn lead to the emergence of unofficial alternative structures for the administration of justice. Indigenous law should receive full recognition and enjoy the same status as Western law. To accomplish this, legislative measures which entrench a distorted indigenous law, limit the application of indigenous law, or affect its status in the South African legal order, should be revoked. Even in a multicultural society such as that of South Africa, there is a common nucleus of core values that are shared by the whole society. But different cultures have different conceptions of these basic values and their role in legal, political and social ordering. The Bill of Rights should give due recognition to the postulates which underscore both Western and indigenous law. This should be done by providing that the values the Bill entrenches, must be interpreted in their proper cultural perspective where circumstances so demand. But this will be possible only if the level of knowledge of indigenous law and its fundamental precepts is drastically improved. / LL.D