The aim of this study is to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness1 of the work done by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry (CoI) in the Syrian Arab Republic. This study strives to evaluate how well the commission succeeded in pursuing its mandate as stated, in addition to, evaluating how well the work of the commission in Syria was perceived to have been fulfilled by the people affected and involved. This study applies a qualitative approach. In order to obtain more in depth information of the commission‟s work the study combines interviews with a number of stakeholders, a literature study, in addition to, the author‟s own acquired experience from the United Nations. This study reveals that the main reason for the unwillingness of Syria to cooperate with the commission was due to the fact that the people, as well as, the government of Syria perceive the United Nations to be biased and to have lost the humanitarian aspect. The Col Syria overall fulfilled their mandate and it was performed as efficiently as could be given the constraints it faced. Yet, the work of the UN and the UN mandated missions are not perceived to be effective or satisfactory. The UN branches are perceived to be too politically affected and no longer prioritize the people of a country. Keywords: Syria, United Nations, International Independent Commission of Inquiry, Evaluation / The aim of this study is to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness1 of the work done by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry (CoI) in the Syrian Arab Republic. This study strives to evaluate how well the commission succeeded in pursuing its mandate as stated, in addition to, evaluating how well the work of the commission in Syria was perceived to have been fulfilled by the people affected and involved. This study applies a qualitative approach. In order to obtain more in depth information of the commission‟s work the study combines interviews with a number of stakeholders, a literature study, in addition to, the author‟s own acquired experience from the United Nations. This study reveals that the main reason for the unwillingness of Syria to cooperate with the commission was due to the fact that the people, as well as, the government of Syria perceive the United Nations to be biased and to have lost the humanitarian aspect. The Col Syria overall fulfilled their mandate and it was performed as efficiently as could be given the constraints it faced. Yet, the work of the UN and the UN mandated missions are not perceived to be effective or satisfactory. The UN branches are perceived to be too politically affected and no longer prioritize the people of a country. Keywords: Syria, United Nations, International Independent Commission of Inquiry, Evaluation / The aim of this study is to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness1 of the work done by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry (CoI) in the Syrian Arab Republic. This study strives to evaluate how well the commission succeeded in pursuing its mandate as stated, in addition to, evaluating how well the work of the commission in Syria was perceived to have been fulfilled by the people affected and involved. This study applies a qualitative approach. In order to obtain more in depth information of the commission‟s work the study combines interviews with a number of stakeholders, a literature study, in addition to, the author‟s own acquired experience from the United Nations. This study reveals that the main reason for the unwillingness of Syria to cooperate with the commission was due to the fact that the people, as well as, the government of Syria perceive the United Nations to be biased and to have lost the humanitarian aspect. The Col Syria overall fulfilled their mandate and it was performed as efficiently as could be given the constraints it faced. Yet, the work of the UN and the UN mandated missions are not perceived to be effective or satisfactory. The UN branches are perceived to be too politically affected and no longer prioritize the people of a country. Keywords: Syria, United Nations, International Independent Commission of Inquiry, Evaluation / The aim of this study is to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness1 of the work done by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry (CoI) in the Syrian Arab Republic. This study strives to evaluate how well the commission succeeded in pursuing its mandate as stated, in addition to, evaluating how well the work of the commission in Syria was perceived to have been fulfilled by the people affected and involved. This study applies a qualitative approach. In order to obtain more in depth information of the commission‟s work the study combines interviews with a number of stakeholders, a literature study, in addition to, the author‟s own acquired experience from the United Nations. This study reveals that the main reason for the unwillingness of Syria to cooperate with the commission was due to the fact that the people, as well as, the government of Syria perceive the United Nations to be biased and to have lost the humanitarian aspect. The Col Syria overall fulfilled their mandate and it was performed as efficiently as could be given the constraints it faced. Yet, the work of the UN and the UN mandated missions are not perceived to be effective or satisfactory. The UN branches are perceived to be too politically affected and no longer prioritize the people of a country. Keywords: Syria, United Nations, International Independent Commission of Inquiry, Evaluation

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the early 1970s the National Party government under B.l Vorster experienced serious problems due to its policy on the Coloured population. Issues concerning the mutual relations between the population groups came strongly to the fore and the government's policy of separate development was subject to widespread and severe criticism. The period 1970-1974 is generally regarded as a time of change in South Afiica due to international and foreign pressures. South Afiica's position in the international community deteriorated dramatically and attitudes towards the Republic became increasingly hostile in the rest of the world. Furthermore, the Vorster government was confronted with two opposing schools of thought within the party itself, the so-called verligtes and the verkramptes. During the 1970s the political decision-making processes became entangled in a continuous struggle between the enlightened wing of the National Party, the so-called Cape Liberals, and a more conservative element, the verkramptes of the Transvaal. Race relations issues and the government's Coloured policy in particular were often the source of contention. In March 1973 Vorster appointed a Commission of Enquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group. It was chaired by prof Erika Theron, formerly professor in Social Work at the University of Stellenbosch. The Theron Commission, as it became known generally, consisted of twenty members, six of whom were Coloureds. The Commission had to investigate the following: the progress made by the Coloured population group since 1960 in the social, economic and constitutional spheres as well as in the fields of local management, culture and sport; constraining factors in the various fields that could be identified as sources of contention; and any other related matters. The Theron Commission's report was tabled in parliament three years later on 18 June 1976. The Soweto riots that broke out two days before, however, forced news of the report out of the newspapers and caused its influence to be largely dissipated. The Theron report contained a number of recommendations that were directly in conflict with the government's apartheid policy and were hence not acceptable to the government. Consequently, the government - by way of an interim memorandum and a later white paper - rejected those recommendations that affected the core of its apartheid policy. The recommendations included the repeal of the Mixed Marriages Act (Act 55 of 1949) and Section 16 of the Immorality Act (Act 23 of 1957), two of the cornerstones of the policy of apartheid. Recommendation No. 178, in which the commission recommended direct representation for Coloureds at the various levels of government, was also rejected by the government. The potential influence of the Theron Commission's report to influence change was thus firmly nipped in the bud. The government's reaction caused bitter disappointment among the Coloured population as well as enlightened Whites and at the same time fuelled the conflict between the verligtes and the verkramptes. It also ensured intensified criticism from the opposition parties, especially the United Party. Yet the recommendations of the Theron Commision's report played a prominent role in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the wheels of political change began to tum, and let to the tricameral parliamentary system of 1984 in which the Coloured population group was also represented. The Arbeidersparty of South Africa (APSA) - Ministers' Council, which was in control of the House of Representatives from 1984 to 1992, consistently endeavoured to negotiate a better social, economic and constitutional position for the Coloured population on the basis of the Theron Commission's report. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die vroeë sewentigerjare van die twintigste eeu het die Nasionale Party-regering, onder die bewind van BJ. Vorster, ernstige probleme ten opsigte van sy Kleurlingbeleid ondervind. Probleme rondom die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk het sterk op die voorgrond getree en die regering se beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling aan wydverspreide en hewige kritiek onderwerp. Die tydperk 1970-1974 word allerweë deur kritici beskou as 'n tydperk van verandering in Suid-Afrika vanweë toenemende binne- en buitelandse druk. Suid-Afrika se posisie binne die internasionale gemeenskap het drasties verswak en die buiteland het 'n vyandige gesindheid jeens die Republiek geopenbaar. Daarbenewens het die Vorster-regering gebuk gegaan onder twee botsende denkrigtings binne die partygeledere, die sogenaamde verligtes en die verkramptes. Die politieke besluitnemingsprosesse van die sewentigerjare was vasgevang tussen die verligte vleuel van die Nasionale Party, die sogenaamde Cape Liberals, en 'n meer konserwatiewe element, die verkramptes van Transvaal tussen wie daar 'n voortdurende stryd gewoed het. Die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk en die regering se Kleurlingbeleid was gereeld in die spervuur. In Maart 1973 het Vorster 'n Kommissie van Ondersoek na Aangeleenthede rakende die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep aangestel. Die voorsitter was prof Erika Theron, voormalige hoogleraar in Maatskaplike Werk aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Die Theronkommissie, soos dit algemeen bekend sou staan, is saamgestel uit twintig lede waaronder ses Kleurlinge. Die kommissie moes ondersoek instel na die volgende: die vordering van die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep sedert 1960 op maatskaplike, ekonomiese en staatkundige gebied asook op die terreine van plaaslike bestuur, kultuur en sport; stremmende faktore op die verskillende terreine wat as knelpunte geïdentifiseer kon word; en enige verdere verwante sake. Die Theron-verslag is drie jaar later op 18 Junie 1976 in die parlement ter tafel gelê. Die Soweto-onluste wat twee dae tevore uitgebreek het, het egter die verslag van die persblaaie verdring en die invloed daarvan grootliks verlore laat gaan. Die Theron-verslag het aanbevelings bevat wat lynreg in stryd was met die apartheidsbeleid en wat nie vir die regering aanneemlik was nie. Gevolglik het die regering by wyse van 'n tussentydse memorandum en 'n latere witskrif daardie aanbevelings wat die kern van sy apartheidsbeleid aangetas het, afgekeur. Onder die aanbevelings was die herroeping van die Wet op die Verbod van Gemengde Huwelike (Wet No. 55 van 1949) en Artikel 16 van die Ontugwet (Wet No. 23 van 1957), twee van die hoekstene van die apartheidsbeleid. Aanbeveling No. 178, waarin die kommissie regstreekse verteenwoordiging vir die Kleurlinge op die verskillende owerheidsvlakke en in besluitnemingsprosesse aanbeveel het, is ook deur die regering afgekeur. Sodoende is die Theron-verslag se potensiële invloed tot verandering in die kiem gesmoor. Die regering se reaksie het bittere teleurstelling onder die Kleurlinge en die verligte blankes veroorsaak en terselfdertyd die fel stryd tussen die verligtes en die verkramptes aangewakker. Dit het ook toenemende kritiek komende van die opposisiepartye, veral die Verenigde Party, op die regering verseker. Die aanbevelings van die Theron-verslag het nietemin 'n prominente rol gespeel in die laat sewentigerjare en vroeë tagtigerjare toe die wiel van politieke veranderinge begin draai het en uitgeloop het op die Driekamerparlementstelsel van 1984 waarbinne die Kleurlinge ook verteenwoordig was. Die Arbeidersparty van Suid-Afrika (APSA) - Ministersraad wat sedert 1984 tot 1992 in beheer van die Raad van Verteenwoordigers binne die Driekamerparlement was, het hom voortdurend beywer om aan die hand van die Theronverslag, 'n beter sosiale, ekonomiese en staatkundige posisie vir die Kleurlinge te beding.

M.Comm. / The first objective of this dissertation is to establish whether wealth or capital taxes are relevant to South Africa. If the answer is yes, the further objective is to identify the various forms of capital and wealth taxes in order to determine which form of wealth or capital tax would be suitable in South Africa in the future (refer chapter 2). The second objective, once the form of capital tax for a future South Africa is identified, is to determine which assets or, in other words, which property will be subjected to such a tax (chapters 3-5). The third objective is to analyse the recommendations contained in the fourth interim report of the Katz Commission of Inquiry into certain 3 aspects of the tax structure of South Africa (hereafter, referred to as the Katz Commission) and to examine the effect of these recommendations on the inclusion of property in the deceased's estate which will be subjected to such a tax (chapter 5). The fourth objective is to provide the reader with two diagrams which will enable such person to determine: whether a deceased person's estate will be subject to estate duty in terms of the current Act 45 of 1955, as amended (hereafter, referred to as the Act); and what an estate consists of (chapter 6). The fifth objective is to provide the reader with a comprehensive alphabetical property checklist to enable such person to determine whether a specific asset should be included in the estate of a deceased person (chapter 6).

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

In this dissertation I provide an ethnographic account of the testimony of four expert witnesses who appeared before the Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada (the Krever Inquiry) as they described the production of scientific knowledge and the role that knowledge played in the struggle to protect the blood supply from being contaminated by AIDS during the early 1980's. In doing so, I bring together the experts' testimony with contemporary documents gathered by the Commission and interviews I conducted with participants in the proceedings. Using insights drawn from the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, and history, I explore what the witnesses' accounts reveal about their understandings of their professional world and its relationships with other worlds, especially that of public health policy making. The Krever Inquiry offered a valuable opportunity for carrying out such an investigation. It provided a site where science was not only used, it was talked about. The Inquiry invited those involved in the blood system in the early 1980's to reflect upon and explain the beliefs and actions which surrounded one of the worst public health disasters in Canadian history and it asked the witnesses how similar catastrophes could be avoided in the future. As a result, many of the issues addressed at the hearings reflect matters of current concern in public health and medicine. The Inquiry addressed difficult issues surrounding the nature of scientific knowledge and its application in health decision-making and policy formulation. This study, therefore, may be of interest to those dealing with the problems surrounding uncertainty and the management of public health crises. It may also be of interest to those dealing with conflicts rising out of the intersection of different worlds of experience and practice, as well as to those involved in the current initiatives to both make medical and public health institutions more proactive, and inclusive, and public health decision-making more transparent.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The controversy around the broadcasting of court proceedings has reigned in the United States since the 1950s, reaching a peak with the trial of O.J. Simpson, widely interpreted as an example of the destructive effect of a "media circus" on the administration of justice. In many other U.S. courtrooms, however, television and radio journalists do their work unobtrusively, professionally and to the benefit of their viewers and listeners. The King Commission of Inquiry into allegations of match-fixing in cricket gave South Africa its first experience of television and radio coverage of judicial proceedings, and lay the basis for a more liberal approach to electronic coverage of courts. The Constitution protects freedom of expression, including the freedom to receive and impart information. This has been interpreted by the High Court as conferring on radio journalists the freedom to record and broadcast the King Commission's proceedings. It is argued in this study that the High Court's reasoning could be applied with equal force to television, and to coverage of the courts. It is suggested a trial period of electronic coverage of courts, under clear guidelines for journalists and legal practitioners, may provide greater clarity on the desirability of allowing electronic coverage of courts on a permanent basis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die netelige vraagstuk rondom die uitsaai van hofverrigtinge het alreeds in the vyftigerjare van die vorige eeu in die Verenigde State ontstaan. Die vervolging van O.J. Simpson was 'n hoogtepunt in die debat. Dié saak word gereeld voorgehou as 'n voorbeeld van die nadelige effek wat 'n "mediasirkus" op die regsproses kan uitoefen. Maar in baie ander Amerikaanse howe doen radio- en televisiejoernaliste hulle werk sonder steurnis, professioneel, en ten voordeel van hul luisteraars and kykers. The Kingkommissie van Ondersoek na beweringe van oneerlikheid in krieket was Suid-Afrika se eerste ervaring van elektroniese dekking van 'n regterlike proses, and kan moontlik die basis vorm vir 'n meer liberale benadering tot elektroniese dekking van howe. Die Grondwet waarborg vryheid van uitdrukking, insluitende die vryheid om inligting uit te stuur en te ontvang. Die Hooggeregshof het onlangs beslis hierdie vryheid beteken radiojoernaliste mag die verrigtinge van die Kingkommissie opneem en uitsaai. In hierdie studie word geargumenteer dat die Hooggeregshof se beslissing ook van toepassing kan wees op televisie, en op hofverrigtinge. Daar word voor die hand gedoen dat Suid- Afrikaanse howe vir 'n proeftydperk elekroniese dekking van hofverrigtinge toelaat, met streng reëls vir joernaliste en regspraktisyns. So 'n proefneming kan dalk groter duidelikheid verskaf oor die voor- en nadele van televisie- en radiodekking van howe op 'n permanente basis.