The article focuses on the current situation in Syria in light of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. In particular, the author focuses on events and developments carried out from mid 2013 until September 2014. The author begins her research by providing a brief summary of the reasons that have lead to an armed conflict in Syria, and, inturn, examines the issue of the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, as well as some of the measures that have been adopted by the international community to address such consequences. Some of the main sources for this article are the reports adopted by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, which provide a crucial tool in order to assess the legal nature and characterization of the armed conflict, particularly in light of the increasing presence of new parties to the conflict. The evolution of the conflict allows the author to further examine the nature of the specific crimes that are being documented in Syria, giving way to an analysis within the field of international criminal law and international criminal responsibility. In the last section, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council in ensuring accountability for crimes in Syria. In particular, the vote on the referral of the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court is thoroughly assessed, leading, in turn, to the current debate on the use of the veto in situations involving crimes under international law. / El presente artículo analiza la situación actual en Siria a la luz del derecho penal internacional y el derecho internacional humanitario. El artículo se enfoca, principalmente, en los desarrollos que tuvieron lugar a partir de mediados de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2014. La autora inicia su investigación con un breve resumen del devenir del conflicto, para luego proceder a analizar las consecuencias humanitarias del mismo y algunas medidas adoptadas por la comunidad internacional. Seguidamente, y tomando como fuente esencial de investigación los informes de la Comisión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre la República Árabe de Siria (Comisión de Investigación sobre Siria), la autora analiza la naturaleza y calificación jurídica del conflicto, tomando en cuenta la presencia de nuevos actores en el conflicto. A su vez, la evolución del conflicto exige el análisis de los crímenes concretos que se vienen cometiendo en Siria, lo que lleva a la autora al plano del derecho penal internacional y la responsabilidad penal internacional del individuo. Finalmente, la autora procede a analizar detalladamente el rol del Consejo de Seguridad en promover medidas de accountability en Siria, lo cual lleva al análisis detenido de la votación en el seno del Consejo en torno a la remisión de la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional, así como al debate actual respecto al empleo del derecho al veto ante situaciones que involucran crímenes bajo el derecho internacional.

In this dissertation I provide an ethnographic account of the testimony of four expert witnesses who appeared before the Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada (the Krever Inquiry) as they described the production of scientific knowledge and the role that knowledge played in the struggle to protect the blood supply from being contaminated by AIDS during the early 1980's. In doing so, I bring together the experts' testimony with contemporary documents gathered by the Commission and interviews I conducted with participants in the proceedings. Using insights drawn from the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, and history, I explore what the witnesses' accounts reveal about their understandings of their professional world and its relationships with other worlds, especially that of public health policy making. The Krever Inquiry offered a valuable opportunity for carrying out such an investigation. It provided a site where science was not only used, it was talked about. The Inquiry invited those involved in the blood system in the early 1980's to reflect upon and explain the beliefs and actions which surrounded one of the worst public health disasters in Canadian history and it asked the witnesses how similar catastrophes could be avoided in the future. As a result, many of the issues addressed at the hearings reflect matters of current concern in public health and medicine. The Inquiry addressed difficult issues surrounding the nature of scientific knowledge and its application in health decision-making and policy formulation. This study, therefore, may be of interest to those dealing with the problems surrounding uncertainty and the management of public health crises. It may also be of interest to those dealing with conflicts rising out of the intersection of different worlds of experience and practice, as well as to those involved in the current initiatives to both make medical and public health institutions more proactive, and inclusive, and public health decision-making more transparent. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T14:25:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 leandrooliveirasilva.pdf: 1438134 bytes, checksum: fbdd2b4998dac013c963cc408e599d7d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-01T15:50:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 leandrooliveirasilva.pdf: 1438134 bytes, checksum: fbdd2b4998dac013c963cc408e599d7d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T15:50:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 leandrooliveirasilva.pdf: 1438134 bytes, checksum: fbdd2b4998dac013c963cc408e599d7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-19 / O fenômeno da “pedofilia” tem sido objeto de acirradas controvérsias na arena pública das reivindicações e vem, rotineiramente, alcançando cada vez mais espaço nos meios de comunicação de massa (mídia), no mundo dos poderes e saberes, no seio da sociedade em geral, despertando, na maioria esmagadora das pessoas, sentimentos de repulsa, ódio e vingança em relação aos chamados “pedófilos”, tendo em vista o alvo da prática sexual: crianças e adolescentes. O escopo desta pesquisa não é fazer uma avaliação sobre aquilo que é moralmente certo ou errado em matéria de “pedofilia”, mas, sob a perspectiva do referencial teórico adotado, o construcionismo social, analisar de que maneira se deu, especificamente no caso brasileiro, a passagem da “pedofilia” enquanto problema social para a “pedofilia” como um problema público, constituindo a Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito da Pedofilia, instalada e conduzida por uma comissão de senadores brasileiros entre os anos de 2008 e 2010, o ponto alto desta viragem, podendo ser compreendida como o mecanismo de grande audiência que revestiu o problema da “pedofilia” com roupagens, significados e formas de verdade no cenário brasileiro. / The phenomenon of “pedophilia” has been subject to tough controversies in the public arena of claims and has been continuously achieving a bigger space in mass communication means (media), in the world of knowledge and power and within society in general. It awakens, in the crushing majority of people, feelings of repulse, hate and vengeance in regards to the so-called “pedophiles”, considering their object of sexual practice: children and teenagers. The scope of this research is not to evaluate what is morally right or wrong regarding “pedophilia”, but to analyze, under the perspective of the chosen theoretic referential, the social constructionism, how the passage of “pedophilia” from social problem to public problem happened, specifically in the Brazilian context, constituting the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry of Pedophilia, installed and conducted by a commission of Brazilian senators through the years of 2008 and 2010, the high point of this passage, possibly being comprehended as the mechanism of great audience which gave the problem of “pedophilia” its true meanings and forms in the Brazilian setting.

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Dans les dernières années, la corruption municipale a constitué un enjeu d’importance au Québec, posant des questions majeures sur la qualité de la gouvernance municipale. Ce mémoire vise à comprendre comment fonctionnait le système de corruption découvert au niveau des municipalités. En premier lieu, l’aspect historique de la corruption municipale sera examiné pour identifier l’héritage ayant influencé les pratiques actuelles. Surtout, ce phénomène sera abordé pour décrire la structure de gouvernance informelle qui s’est développée au sein des institutions municipales, plus spécifiquement dans les cas de Laval et Montréal. Le modèle théorique de Della Porta et Vannucci (2012) permettra d’illustrer la façon dont les acteurs internalisent les normes de la corruption, comment ils développent des relations de confiance entre eux et, enfin, comment l’action de régulateurs vient cimenter l’institutionnalisation de réseaux de corruption. Enfin, le mémoire vise à déceler quels aspects inhérents aux institutions municipales québécoises les ont rendues vulnérables à la corruption. La faiblesse et la capacité limitée des institutions formelles à structurer avec succès les incitatifs sera mise de l’avant. On examinera les limites des institutions visant à établir une surveillance externe des municipalités, pour ensuite se pencher sur les institutions internes pouvant prévenir la corruption, soit la bureaucratie et la démocratie municipale. En bref, le mémoire vise à identifier les structures de gouvernance des réseaux de corruption à Laval et Montréal, puis à en expliquer la provenance par la faiblesse d’institutions qui auraient pu l’endiguer. / In the last few years, municipal corruption made its way through the headlines and became a significant issue in Québec, raising major questions about the quality of municipal governance. This research aims to understand how the corruption system operated at the municipal level. First, an examination of the municipal corruption’s legacy will show its recurrent aspect. Then, the corruption phenomena will be studied through a description of the informal governance structure that grew inside municipal institutions. More specifically, Laval’s and Montréal’s cases will be used to portray this governance structure. Della Porta and Vannucci’s model (2012) will be used to elucidate the way agents internalize norms of corruption, how they develop second-party bonds of trust, and, finally, how an enforcer can act to cement and institutionalize networks of corruption. Finally, the research aims to identify and understand which aspects of Quebec’s municipal institutions made then vulnerable to corruption. The limits of formal institutions’ capacity to successfully structure incentives will be addressed through the exposure of some significant weaknesses. We will examine the limits of the institutions aiming to establish external surveillance, to then turn our focus toward internal institutions that could have deterred corruption, which are bureaucracy and democracy.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-20T14:04:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 William Marcos Botelho.pdf: 1275140 bytes, checksum: ff82e763305af4ea510c3c386c002552 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-20T14:04:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 William Marcos Botelho.pdf: 1275140 bytes, checksum: ff82e763305af4ea510c3c386c002552 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation aims to describe and analyze the documentation of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) of the National Union of Students (UNE) showing its constitution, organization, main themes, and the developments of that fact to the Brazilian student movement. The CPI was created by the Resolution number 25, published in the Diário do Congresso Nacional (National Congress Diary) of July, the 13th, 1963, page 4329, having the interest of investigating the application of public resources foreseen by the budget of the Union in the period between 1962 and 1963 and that were used for the student activities linked to the UNE. The research runs through the process until final approval of the report. The temporal cut of the research is from the year 1962, when the UNE happens to be accused as subversive by the Congress and the vehicles of communication, to the year 1964 when the process is closed. The CPI does not prove the diversion of funds, but, in fact, consolidates itself as a vehicle for the dismantling of the student body, based on clashes between students, teachers and congressmen. The main sources were the documents produced during the process, all found in the Chamber of Deputies / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de descrever e analisar a documentação da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito (CPI) da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) mostrando sua constituição, organização, principais temas, e os desdobramentos deste fato para o movimento estudantil brasileiro. A CPI foi instalada pela Resolução nº 25, publicada no Diário do Congresso Nacional (DCN) de 13/07/1963, p. 4329 com o interesse de investigar a aplicação de recursos públicos previstos pelo orçamento da União no período entre 1962 e 1963 e que foram utilizados para as atividades estudantis vinculadas à UNE. A pesquisa perpassa a trajetória do processo até a aprovação final do relatório. O recorte temporal da pesquisa é de 1962, quando a UNE passa a ser acusada subversiva no congresso e pelos veículos de comunicação, a 1964 quando do fechamento do processo. A CPI não prova os desvios de verbas, mas se consolida, de fato, como veículo para o desmonte da entidade estudantil, a partir de embates feitos entre estudantes, professores e congressistas. As fontes principais foram os documentos gerados durante o processo, encontrados na Câmara dos Deputados

Le 4 novembre 1847, Mgr de Bruillard, évêque de Grenoble, institue une commission d'enquête destinée à préparer le jugement doctrinal qu'il doit porter sur l'apparition alléguée de la Vierge Marie à La Salette le 19 septembre 1846. S'il ne fait en cela que reprendre les règles classiques de l'Eglise en matière de discernement des esprits, il innove en définissant de façon rigoureuse le cadre canonique dans lequel doit s'exercer ce discernement, selon une procédure calquée pour partie sur celle préconisée en matière de canonisations par le De servorum Dei beatificatione et de beatorum canonizatione (1734-1738) de Prospero Lambertini, futur pape Benoît XIV. Pour exemplaire que se veuille cette procédure – adoptée par un nombre croissant d'évêques concernés par des faits d'apparitions dans leurs diocèses –, pour efficace qu'elle se révèle, elle se heurte rapidement à divers obstacles montrant ses limites, obstacles dont les moindres ne sont pas, au XXe siècle jusqu'au concile Vatican II, les interventions de plus en plus fréquentes du Saint Office auprès des évêques. Après Vatican II, une plus grande latitude sera laissée aux évêques, mais les répercussions au niveau mondial de certaines mariophanies amèneront la Congrégation pour la doctrine de la foi à édicter en 1978 des Normes générales, véritable feuille de route destinée aux évêques. Ces Normes seront néanmoins rendues bientôt inapplicables à cause de l'émergence de nouveaux types de mariophanies, dont la matrice est le “phénomène Medjugorje” (1981) : qualifiée d'apparition de rupture, cette mariophanie pose, par ses implications non seulement religieuses, mais également sociétales et même politiques, la question de la réaction de l'institution ecclésiale face à des faits et des attitudes qui, tout en se réclamant de l'Église, prétendent se soustraire pour partie à son jugement sous le prétexte d'une plus libre et immédiate insertion dans l'histoire actuelle des hommes, et où l'efficacité temporelle du phénomène le dispute à son authenticité spirituelle et à sa fonction ecclésiale, au risque de constituer le principal critère de jugement de la mariophanie. / On the 4th of November 1847, Msgr de Bruillard, the Bishop of Grenoble, sets up a commis-sion of inquiry aimed at clearing the way for the doctrinal judgment he will have to pass on the alleged apparition of the Virgin Mary at La Salette on the 19th of September 1846. In doing so is merely applying once again the usual rules of the Church in matters pertaining to the discernment of spirits, but he actually does innovate by rigorously definiting the canonical framework within which this judgment must be exercised, following – in matters regarding the question of canonization – a procedure which, to some extent, faithfully reflected the one already favoured by the De servorum Dei beatificatione et de beatorum canonizatione (1734-1738) by Prospero Lambertini (the future pope Benedict XIV). Even though it aims to serve as a model (adopted by a growing number of bishops having to come to terms with events of apparitions in their dioceses), and however efficient it proves to be, this type of procedure soon meets with a variety of obstacles exposing its own limitations : among these obstacles one could not minimize the increasingly frequent interference of the Holy Office in its dealings with the bishops, before the Second Vatican Council. After the Council, the bishops are given more leeway, but the repercussions – on a world scale – of certain mariophanies will induce the Congregation for the Doctrine of the faith to edict in 1978 a set of general Norms, offering the bishops the guiding lines of a roadmap. Nevertheless, these norms will soon become inapplicable, in the face of newly emerging types of mariophanies, whose primary source is the 'Medjugorje case' (1981). Because of its implications – not just religious, but political and societal as well – this mariophany has been dubbed the breaking point apparition, raising the question of how the ecclesiastical Institution should respond to facts and attitudes which, while pretending to speak in the name of the Church, claim the right to disregard part of her decisions, by using as an excuse the need for a more open-minded and a more immediate involvement in the history of mankind – as it appears nowadays ; so much so that, conflicting with the judgments on the authenticity of the case and its relevance for the Church, the claimed fruitfulness of the event runs the risk og beeing viewed as the principal criterion for a judgment on the phenomenon itself.

Submitted by Luanna Matias (lua_matias@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-02-06T11:55:41Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-02-19T12:54:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-19T12:54:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation aims to analyze the relationship between the action of landless rural workers, especially the activities of members of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), and the criminalization process of his conducts by Criminal Law. Therefore, this study aims to verify scientifically know as the criminal knowledge can be a legitimate instrument to promote the criminalization and stigmatization of these landless workers. Thus, the work takes as its starting point the characterization of their research subject, namely, the landless rural workers in its meaning of agrarian social movement, why it held an approach to the construction of social inequality and its correlation with the emergence and structuring of social movements, for, in the end, weave important considerations about what is meant by social Movement and Agrarian MST. Following aimed to explain how the criminal know contemporary Brazilian still shows a strong influence of the positivist criminological thought inaugurated by the Italian school centuries ago. It is shown how positivist criminology was responsible for creating a conception of social dangerousness and embrace a segregationist and selective criminological project, such that those individuals who were "classified" as a threat, should be removed from social interaction. We report how this discourse entered " the back door " of the criminal laws homelands and enabled the creation of an ideology of social defense and the criminalization of minorities (poor, landless ruais, black and so on). Finally, aiming to demonstrate the hypothesis elected, held a review of the work conducted by the Joint Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry ( CPMI ) and Urban Land Reform, known as "CPMI of Land ", specially her Final Report , highlighting Project Senate n . 264/2006 ( PLS No. 264 /06 ) and Project of House of Representatives n . 7485/2006 ( PL No. 7485 / 06 ), whose proposals are, appropriately, intended to spearhead a process of criminalization of landless legitimized by criminal law. / A presente dissertação objetiva analisar a relação entre a atuação dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra, em especial a atuação dos integrantes do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), e o processo de criminalização de suas condutas por parte dos operadores do direito. Para tanto, este estudo se propõe a verificar cientificamente como o saber penal pode ser um instrumento legítimo para promover a criminalização e estigmatização penal destes trabalhadores. Desta forma, o trabalho toma como ponto de partida a caracterização do seu sujeito de pesquisa, qual seja, os trabalhadores rurais sem terra em sua acepção de movimento social agrário, razão por que se realizou uma abordagem da construção das desigualdades sociais e a sua correlação com o surgimento e estruturação dos movimentos sociais, para, ao final, tecer importantes considerações sobre o que se entende por Movimento Social Agrário e MST. Na sequência, objetivou-se explanar como o saber penal brasileiro contemporâneo ainda ilustra uma forte influência do pensamento criminológico positivista inaugurado pela Escola Italiana séculos atrás. Demonstra-se como a criminologia positivista foi responsável por criar uma concepção de periculosidade social e abraçar um projeto criminológico segregacionista e seletivo, de tal forma que aqueles indivíduos os quais fossem “classificados” como uma ameaça, deviam ser afastados do convívio social. Relata-se como esse discurso adentrou “pelas portas dos fundos” das legislações penais pátrias e possibilitou a criação de uma ideologia da defesa social e da criminalização das minorias (pobres, trabalhadores ruais sem terra, negros e etc.). Ao final, objetivando demonstrar factivelmente a hipótese de trabalho eleita, realizou-se uma análise dos trabalhos realizados pela Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito (CPMI) da Reforma Agrária e Urbana, conhecida como “CPMI da Terra”, em especial os encaminhamentos por ela declarados em seu Relatório Final, com destaque para o Projeto de Lei do Senado n. 264, de 2006 (PLS N. 264/06) e o Projeto de Lei da Câmara dos Deputados n. 7485/2006 (PL N. 7485/06), cujas propostas revelam, com propriedade, a intenção de encabeçar um processo de criminalização dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra legitimado pelo próprio Direito Penal.

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