States regularly use fear of terrorist threats to gain support for domestic political agendas and promote geostrategic interests. Consecutive U.S. presidents have cited the theory of the just war to defend these policies and particular violations of national sovereignty. Those doubtful of whether existing threats justify violations of privacy and territorial integrity also use fear -- of corruption, mission creep, and unintended consequences -- claiming that such interventions are a cure worse than the disease, yet one about which domestic audiences are easily misled. To combat abuse of moral arguments for the use of force, some in peace and conflict studies advocate military force be restricted to self-defense, per strict interpretation of the United Nations Charter (as in international legal positivism), or restricted completely (as in pacifism). Because the goal of reducing violent conflict is nearly universally acceptable, these varieties of noninterventionism are rarely scrutinized. In social psychological peace research (SPPR) on public opinion, however, positivism and prescriptive pacifism mask the diversity of opinion on whether and when intervention is necessary to curb aggression, prevent atrocity, and/or restore stability in failed states. This project critically examines SPPR's positivistic premises and the political implications of moral skepticism generally. In an intellectual history of the discipline, I contrast scientific emphasis on certainty in the formulation of threat and risk-avoidance with the humanities' appreciation of the ethical implications of uncertainty, also at the heart of just war theory. Taking Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory (SCT) of moral dis/engagement as a case study, I argue that SPPR skepticism of individual citizens' moral judgment implicitly endorses elite or consensus-driven models of social and political change. The determinism, consequentialism, and institutional gradualism of SPPR approaches, I argue, contradict stated progressive aims and the egalitarian individualism behind liberal conceptions of the rule of law and international human rights regime. Using just war's ethical framework and a non-consequentialist Kantian theory of moral judgment, I construct a reasoning model and coding manual for use in public opinion research on international conflict. These instruments operationalize moral dis/engagement in a manner consistent with political liberalism and humanitarian law, including the Responsibility to Protect.

This thesis attempts to record the progress of peace promoting projects by telling the story of the beginning, development, and operation of the Peace Movement, with special emphasis on the post war undertakings. It is written primarily for the junior high school student, with the hope that the information will provide a suitable basis for him to make his own deduction as to whether or not wars are necessary in settling international disputes. The method adopted is that of simple historical narration, beginning with ancient times and bringing it down to the present day. This broad approach is necessary so that the student may grasp the sweep and spirit of the movement.

This thesis is confronting literature on art and peace and on peace education with reflections of young performing artists. The artists have been interviewed on their experiences in theatre, music and dancing. From comparing the interview outcomes with the literature this thesis is trying to add an artist’s perspective to existing knowledge of cooperation of art and peace. The research concludes that within the examined performing artists’ reflections, there are similarities and differences to the literature detectable, which might indicate possibilities and concerns for the cooperation of art and peace and the use of performing arts in peace education. It also indicates that there is a lot more room for further research.

Higher education is arguably critical for healing and stabilization in postconflict contexts, by developing leaders who value peace and have the skill sets to achieve it in various sectors. A rapidly growing body of literature concludes that peace education in particular has great potential to transform postconflict communities, both in higher education and at other levels of schooling. Yet there exists little rigorous analysis of the decisions faced by educational leaders responsible for implementing such programs, particularly those in postconflict settings where the needs are uniquely challenging. This qualitative investigation documented the M.A. in Peace Studies and Conflict Transformation program, managed by the Centre for Conflict Management (CCM) within the University of Rwanda’s College of Arts and Social Sciences (CASS), one of the first of its kind in the region. The goal of this study was to use interviews and field notes collected during a six-week fieldwork period to highlight lessons from the experiences and perspectives of colleagues who have typically been on the outskirts of the conversation about how formalized peace education can contribute to leadership development and national stability. Participants included faculty members, administrators, and alumnae, as well as leaders affiliated with the Rwandan Ministry of Education (MINEDUC) and various civil society organizations. The study led to twelve key findings aligned with the three research questions, each of which is similarly aligned with a corresponding discourse theme and three clusters of interview questions, as well as three related overarching researcher recommendations for policy and practice, grounded in participant perspectives. Abstract (French) On peut soutenir que l’enseignement supérieur est essentiel pour la guérison et la stabilisation dans les contextes d’après-conflit, en formant des leaders qui attachent de la valeur à la paix et possèdent les compétences nécessaires pour l’atteindre dans divers secteurs. Un corpus de littérature en croissance rapide conclut que l’éducation à la paix, en particulier, a un grand potentiel pour transformer les communautés après un conflit, à la fois dans l’enseignement supérieur et à d’autres niveaux de scolarité. Cependant, il existe peu d'analyses rigoureuses des décisions des responsables de l'éducation chargés de la mise en œuvre de tels programmes, en particulier dans les situations d'après-conflit où les besoins sont particulièrement difficiles. Cette enquête qualitative documentait le programme de maîtrise en études sur la paix et la transformation des conflits, géré par le Centre de gestion des conflits (CCM) du Collège des arts et des sciences sociales de l’Université du Rwanda (CASS), un des premiers du genre dans la région. L’objectif de cette étude était d’utiliser les interviews et les notes de terrain recueillies au cours d’une période de travail sur le terrain de six semaines pour mettre en évidence les leçons tirées des expériences et des points de vue de collègues qui se trouvaient généralement à la périphérie de la discussion sur la manière dont une éducation à la paix formalisée pouvait contribuer au développement du leadership. et la stabilité nationale. Parmi les participants figuraient des membres du corps professoral, des administrateurs et des anciennes élèves, ainsi que des dirigeants affiliés au Ministère rwandais de l'éducation (MINEDUC) et à diverses organisations de la société civile. L'étude a abouti à douze résultats clés alignés sur les trois questions de recherche, chacune correspondant également à un thème de discours correspondant et à trois groupes de questions d'entretien, ainsi qu'à trois recommandations de recherche globales relatives à la politique et à la pratique, basées sur les perspectives des participants.

The purpose of this thesis is to focus on the impact of the influx of refugees on the European Union taking into consideration the challenges, threats and opportunities that arise from this persistent crisis. The examination of the above-mentioned issue presents and analyzed pertinent findings derived from the relevant literature in the field, ranging from diverse case studies, public statistics, data of European Union institutions as well as NGO's, associations and other entities that have addressed issues of human rights and refugee integration in European Union countries. The thesis discloses how this complex matter, referred to as the "current European refugee crisis" gives rise to complex problems and divergent concerns ranging from Islamophobia, terrorist attacks and threats, economic challenges, cultural conflicts, and social clashes. It concludes that there is a need for new perspectives and strategies for better addressing the long and short term causes and challenges of the European refugee crisis.

There has been much literature about the economic effects of terrorism in democratic countries, but this literature often considers democracy to be a binary variable. This paper sought to explore how the effects might differ depending on the strength of a democracy. In the end, I found that the numbers of attacks and the effects of those attacks do not follow a linear path. The results for autocracies and anocracies require further analysis, but democracies have revealed interesting results. It seems that democracies as a whole have more terrorist attacks, but, within this group, the more democratic a country is the fewer attacks are carried out.

By comparing the post-conflict reconstruction patterns of Cyprus and Sri Lanka, it is possible to evaluate what was or was not effective in the Cyprus case and how these lessons may be applied to Sri Lanka. Considering the underlying similarities of the two islands’ respective conflicts, the focus determining the best course of action for Sri Lanka, so that it does not face the same stalemate situation as Cyprus. The recommended policy contrasts with the consociationalist models proposed for Cyprus, and is instead based on the unique Basque model of autonomy.

This thesis examines Switzerland’s conflict around the integration of non-citizens in the context of the Swiss system of direct democracy. Through a case study on three recent referendum initiatives on immigrant policy, my research sought to answer the question: How does the use of referenda on immigrant policy impact public discourses on the social and political integration of non-citizens in German-speaking Switzerland? In exploring this question, I focused on how public discourses addressed the link between direct democracy, immigrant policy and non-citizen experiences. I analysed political advertisements, newspaper articles, and data collected in an interview with Swiss resident author Dragica Rajčić. My research findings showed that the use of referendum initiatives to make decisions on immigrant policy has had a significant impact on integration discourses. In particular, it has provided the conservative nationalist Swiss People’s Party with the opportunity to move their political agenda to the forefront of public debates. My findings also demonstrated that non-citizen perspectives were marginalized in the public discourses under examination. I therefore concluded that the process of transforming the Swiss conflict around the integration of immigrants will require Swiss governments to re-imagine how the political participation of non-citizens can be institutionalized. Granting non-citizens a more active political role would promote cross-cultural dialogue and understanding, making Switzerland’s direct democracy more democratic. / Graduate

Following the war in Kosovo in 1999, the international community embarked on the most extensive international peace- and state-building project to date. From the early UN administration of Kosovo until the end of 'supervised independence' in 2012, various international organisations played a critical role in shaping the post-war polity. Throughout this engagement, the international community was driven by normative commitments to multi-ethnicity. However, while international organisations were committed to making Kosovo 'multi-ethnic', lack of clarity prevailed about what this goal entailed, or why it was so important. The thesis seeks to answer two inter-related questions: what was meant by multi-ethnicity on the part of its proponents, and what explains the prominence of commitments to this idea. Taking the form of three sections, the thesis examines these commitments' origins, manifestations, and explanations. International normative commitments to multi-ethnicity are found to originate in a shifting conception of the relationship between ethnic diversity and legitimate statehood during the twentieth century. Their manifestations in Kosovo are studied in three policy domains: the return of displaced persons, decentralisation of government to the local level, and minority rights. The thesis finds that international efforts in the pursuit of multi-ethnicity in Kosovo exhibited conflicting notions of multi-ethnicity, which shifted from integrationist ambitions to notions that reconciled the reality of segregation between ethnic groups on the ground through a 'politics of recognition'. The goal of multi-ethnicity remained, but was transformed. Explanations for the commitments to multi-ethnicity are found in both normative and consequentialist considerations, by uncovering unspoken underlying assumptions, and in the identity and self-image concerns of international actors. These findings indicate the power of the normative environment in shaping the actions of international organisations and provide insights into the thus far under-theorised normative dimension of the international state-building project in Kosovo.

To what extent can two 'Modes' be found amongst non-state armed groups (NSAGs)? The Modes theory hypotheses that NSAGs are organized into two distinct Modes, either the 'Imagistic' or the 'Doctrinal' Mode, with each Mode characterised by a particular organisational structure and type of resource extraction. Previous preliminary research on this had three limitations: 1) it used a sample of only five groups; 2) "Galton's problem", i.e. non-independence of groups was not taken into account, and 3) the theory of resource extraction was underdeveloped. The present research overcomes each of these limitations. First, can the patterns found in the 5-group case study be replicated with a larger sample? A dataset with 50 NSAGs was constructed, with variables that were derived from the theory and resembling those used for the 5-group case study. Analysis results showed that a few 'Doctrinal' variables were significantly correlated and 'Doctrinal' rituals had a frequency distribution as predicted. Yet, most correlations between all Modes variables were not significant, and analyses did not convincingly show that there were two distinct Modes. Second, to what extent does "Galton's problem" (autocorrelation) play a role amongst NSAGs regarding their Modes properties? Data on relations between armed groups and their geographical locations were added to the sample. Using Moran's I, it appeared that two to four Modes properties were significantly autocorrelated. With geographical region as covariate, analyses were redone. Results remained basically the same as without regional covariate. Third, what is the relationship between Modes and the type of Resource extraction? Resource types were operationalized and Resource type data were added to the sample of NSAGs. A theory on Risk, and a ROI (Return on Investment) and Risk index were developed. Regressions showed no change in ROI or Risk over time. Low ROI did not typically predict Doctrinal-related Modes properties, and high-ROI did not typically predict Imagistic-related Modes properties. The significance of relations between Modes properties and Resource types strongly depended on whether the analysis was a correlation or a regression. Overall, only a few relationships were significant and no consistent pattern emerged. Limitations of the present research, and suggestions for further research are discussed, as well as an overall assessment of the Modes theory.