The following study is a qualitative text analysis and an idea- and ideologyanalysis with the aim of examining the Sweden Democrats view on women over time and if the party’s organizational and ideological development is reflected in the party’s ideas regarding women’s role in society. The material of research consists of the Sweden Democrats party programs which has been analysed through conservatism and populism, which is the theoretical framework of this study. The results of the analysis have been divided into three different time periods and the first period between 1989-1999 indicated a strong connection between the Sweden Democrats view on women and a conservative view on women. During the second and third time period, between the years 1999-2018, the operational indicators for a conservative view on women could not be discovered, however several operational indicators which indicated a populistic view on women could be established. Previous academic research has categorized the Sweden Democrats view on women as conservative, but the results of this study´s analysis argues that the party´s view on women rather should be described as populism.

This study investigates why some firms have no debt in their capital structure despite the potential benefits of leverage. A logistic regression analysis is used to examine the impact of firm-specific characteristics on a firm’s propensity to have zero leverage. The validity of five theoretical explanations for the zero-leverage phenomenon are examined based on how the theories predict characteristics to affect a firm’s propensity to be unlevered. Analysing a new sample of Swedish firms listed on Nasdaq Stockholm in 2005-2018, I show that on average 14.2% of all firms are unlevered. The regression results suggest that the phenomenon of zero-leverage firms can be explained by a combination of several theories. Some firms seem forced to follow zero-leverage policies due to credit rationing by lenders. Others appear to be deliberately debt-free either because they have low needs of external financing or because they strategically want to avoid debt. The study’s main findings for zero-leverage firms are also robust to firms with very low debt (book leverage less than 5%).

In the fall of 1921 oil workers of the San Joaquin Valley faced a post-war economic slump, wage cuts across the board and an increasingly hostile attitude of oil operators towards consultation with the federal government on labor relations. They voted to strike, and the next day eight thousand workers walked off the fields. Strikers crafted an image of “patriotic unionism,” underpinned by a faith in the federal government and the ideology of the American Legion. The strike did not end in gruesome class warfare like had been seen months earlier in the coal mines of West Virginia, but rather in ideological confusion and despair. The oil workers movement never fully embraced a class identity; instead it embraced the burgeoning conservative identity of Americanism. This effectively hobbled the growth of the movement. Upon the strike’s conclusion there was no mass pull to the left on the part of oil workers in the San Joaquin Valley, despite the fact that their movement’s design and identity had gotten them nowhere. On the contrary a portion of workers and supporters of the strike turned to the nativism of the Klan. Overall this project looks to complicate the narrative of “us vs. them” in labor history by analyzing workers’ identities, and also looks to contribute to the ever-evolving discourse on how historians should track American conservatism as a social force.

This study focuses on how the Sweden Democrats and Social Democrats use different rhetorical styles on Twitter during a three month period before the 2018 election. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether the Sweden Democrats and the Social Democrats' communication on Twitter differs, and whether this can be explained on the basis of conservative and liberal rhetoric. Thus, the study does not intend to answer whether a party is liberal or conservative, but only which way they communicate. The main question of the study has been formulated as follows: Is there a statistical connection between Sweden Democrats' and Social Democrats' different levels of success on social media and the use of a certain rhetorical style on Twitter? The study’s analysis implementation is based on concepts derived from classical rhetorical concepts in combination with qualitative text analysis. With this method we were able to analyse over 850 tweets, and find which rhetorical concept that was most protrusive in each tweet. The results of the analysis have largely confirmed the theory of how liberal and conservative rhetoric use different rhetorical tools; ethos, pathos and logos. While the Sweden Democrats mainly used pathos arguments that pressed on the emotions of anger and fear, rational and logical logos arguments were most prominent among the Social Democrats. An overall conclusion of the study is that Twitter as a social media can be considered as a political arena where rhetorical tools are used to create public opinions. The different rhetorical approaches have likely resulted in different levels of success for both parties.

This study was designed to investigate the function of an individual's level of Christian conservatism and one's current attitude toward seeking professional psychotherapeutic help.

This dissertation examines possible differences in media habits and tastes between Christians and non-Christians. The study utilizes data from singles Internet personal advertisements to determine whether or not Christians, especially those with high levels of religiosity or who may be part of the Christian Right, have different television viewing patterns. Three models were developed using multivariate data analysis and logistic regression to examine Christians' television viewing habits regarding reality shows, soap operas, and news. The first model looks at the viewing habits of Christians, the second model examines the viewing habits of Christians attending religious services at least monthly, and the third model analyzes the viewing habits of Christians attending religious services at least monthly and having conservative political views. No significant differences were found in viewing habits between Christians and non-Christians for any of the three models. Although the results of this study cannot be generalized to Christians as a whole, they suggest that Christians in this sample might have adopted secular practices with regard to their television viewing habits.

This bachelor's thesis examines the ideological position of the Swedish Moderate party. The evaluation of the moderate ideology is done between the years 2009-2022. This is done to understand the ideological position of today but also to present a modern contribution to a field that tends to focus on more historical periods. Furthermore, the ideological evaluation focuses on family policy, as ideological changes should be visible in areas that are not the most relevant for political parties. To determine ideological position this paper uses ideal types of conservatism and liberalism and examines the material concerning these. The conclusion is that the Swedish moderate party has taken some twists and turns in relation to the ideologies presented but that the moderate party of today is liberal.

This essay is about Donald Trump and his ideology and domestic policy. The purpose of this essay is to find out how and to what extent is Donald Trump a nationalist and conservative during the years 2015 - 2021 and what is his view on domestic policy are, and in which way is it displayed. The study uses the methods of an idea analysis with the help of nationalist and conservative ideal types to analyze Donald Trump's 2016 campaign kickoff speech, Inauguration of Donald Trump, 2020 Trump Tulsa rally, and Donald Trump's farewell address. This method is effective because it will analyze ideology and how he uses ideology and how his view on domestic policy is, which is why idea analysis is an ideal choice of use. This essay's result is that Donald Trump uses nationalist ideas much more than he uses conservative ideas and that Donald Trump has a positive view on domestic policy and that he presents both these things very much and he repeats it often because of the importance.

Social conservative values are not a frequently voiced topic among Czech politics, but still, there are few parliamentary parties that claim to be conservative. Conservative thinking is very often interchanged with right-wing affiliation, which can lead to ambiguous identification of political subjects. The thesis concentrates on Social conservatism that is placed outside right wing-left wing definition of political parties and tries to analyse its specifics and roots. Social conservatism promotes ethical issues connected with Christian morals. This study analyses these issues and attempts to evaluate their relevance within the Czech society and party system. From the analysis of Social conservative values and individual conservative parties and movements it is clear that Social conservatism does not belong among essential topics for Czech society and politics, even though this way of thinking is still present. The main representative of Social conservatism is parliamentary party KDU- ČSL, which, nevertheless, given to the degree of liberalisation in the Czech society, still enforces the Social conservative values with great care. There are also radical, religiously fundamental voices present, these are, however, not given much space. Declared Social conservatism of some Czech political parties thus more...

Social conservative values are not a frequently voiced topic among Czech politics, but still, there are few parliamentary parties that claim to be conservative. Conservative thinking is very often interchanged with right-wing affiliation, which can lead to ambiguous identification of political subjects. The thesis concentrates on Social conservatism that is placed outside right wing-left wing definition of political parties and tries to analyse its specifics and roots. Social conservatism promotes ethical issues connected with Christian morals. This study analyses these issues and attempts to evaluate their relevance within the Czech society and party system. From the analysis of Social conservative values and individual conservative parties and movements it is clear that Social conservatism does not belong among essential topics for Czech society and politics, even though this way of thinking is still present. The main representative of Social conservatism is parliamentary party KDU- ČSL, which, nevertheless, given to the degree of liberalisation in the Czech society, still enforces the Social conservative values with great care. There are also radical, religiously fundamental voices present, these are, however, not given much space. Declared Social conservatism of some Czech political parties...