Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-08-08T14:09:08Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-08-08T14:10:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T14:10:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-07 / PROQUALI (UFJF) / A presente tese tem por objetivo defender a existência de elementos bonapartistas na história constitucional brasileira, em especial de 1822 a 1945, período marcado por constantes processos autoritários de des-emancipação do sufrágio universal e da neutralização do potencial transformador da democracia, ocasionados por determinadas formas de organização do poder, assim como pela restrição à participação política do povo. Considerável parte da doutrina constitucional brasileira, ao analisar o processo de constitucionalização brasileiro sem uma reflexão historiográfica crítica, não percebeu a tensão constitutiva existente entre o processo de constitucionalização e a democracia. As análises realizadas incorrem em equívocos, como o de defender um sentido imanente à história constitucional brasileira, com base no fracasso dos projetos constitucionais ou na não correspondência entre o texto constitucional e seu contexto social e político, negando o sentido mais marcante e essencial do conceito de Constituição, que é ser o processo de autoconstituição política, jurídica e social de um povo. Ao encobrir a tensão constitutiva entre Constituição e democracia, texto e contexto constitucionais, as análises clássicas da história constitucional brasileira não perceberam e até mesmo alimentaram o risco da ação do bonapartismo, entendido na presente tese como a negação deste processo de avanço na conquista de novos direitos e na consolidação da democracia. O bonapartismo é a expressão de um fenômeno autoritário presente a partir da Modernidade, em que uma estrutura centralizadora de poder político, que se afirma democrática, popular e defensora os direitos do povo, na realidade implementa um processo de des-emancipação político-social. Esse fenômeno ocorreu quando da realização dos trabalhos da Constituinte de 1823 e da instituição do Poder Moderador, com a proclamação da República em 1891 e a política dos governadores, atingindo seu ápice durante a Era Vargas e a ditadura presidencial. / This thesis aims to defend that Bonapartist elements were present in Brazilian constitutional history, especially from 1822 to 1945, a period marked by constant authoritarian processes of de-emancipation of universal suffrage and neutralizing the transformative potential of democracy, caused by certain forms organization of power, as well as the restriction on political participation of the people. Considerable part of the brazilian constitutional thinkers analyzing the brazilian constitutional process without a historiographical critical reflection did not notice the existing constitutive tension between the process of writing a constitution and democracy. Existing analyzes incur misconceptions as to uphold a immanent sense in Brazilian constitutional history based on failure of the constitutional project or mismatch between the constitutional text and its social and political context, denying the most outstanding and essential meaning of the concept of constitution that is to be the process of political self-constitution, legal and social development of a people. To cover up the constitutive tension between constitution and democracy, text and constitutional context, the classical analyzes of the Brazilian constitutional history, not realized and fueled the risk of Bonapartism action, understood in this thesis as the denial of this breakthrough process to conquist new rights and the consolidation of democracy. The Bonapartism is the expression of an authoritarian phenomenon present from Modernity, in which a centralized structure of political power that is stated as democratic, popular and defending the rights of the people, actually implement a process of political and social dis-empowerment. This phenomenon occurred when the realization of the Works of constituent assembly of 1823 and later with the use of the institution of the moderating power, also occurs in the proclamation of the Republic in 1891 and his oligarchic government, reaching its peak during the Vargas Era and the presidential dictatorship.

124 VII. Shrnutí Diplomní práce s názvem Prezident republiky v ústavním systému předmnichovské ČSR se zabývá ústavním postavením prezidenta republiky v době první republiky, tj. v letech 1918 - 1938 a to po stránce formálně ústavní, avšak i z hlediska jeho faktického postavení. Autor v diplomní práci naznačuje slabší formální postavení prezidenta republiky v tzv. prozatímní ústavě z roku 1918 ( zákon č. 37/1918 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 13. listopadu 1918, o prozatímní ústavě ) a jeho poněkud silnější formální postavení v Ústavní listině z roku 1920 ( zákon č. 121/1920 Sb. z. a n. ze dne 29. února 1920, kterým se uvozuje Ústavní listina Československé republiky ) a dále v práci zdůrazňuje velmi silné faktické postavení prezidenta republiky Tomáše Garrigue Masaryka plynoucí z jeho silné osobnosti, avšak i s ohledem na jeho zásluhy o vznik Československé republiky a z jeho všestranných morálních předpokladů pro výkon této funkce. Silné faktické postavení prezidenta republiky je vysvětleno na jeho vztahu k vůdcům státotvorných politických stran uskupených v neformální koalici zvané " pětka", kterými byl první prezident pro svoji autoritu respektován. Dále se autor věnuje podrobně jednotlivým pravomocem prezidenta republiky, které byly vymezeny především zmiňovanou Ústavní listinou z roku 1920, avšak i dále celou...

The anti-episcopal drive which took place during the first fifteen months of the Long Parliament has long been ignored as a problem worth studying for its own merits. Usually the episcopal crisis of 1640-1642 is considered to be part of a larger crisis since the expulsion of the bishops from the House of Lords was a prelude to the English Revolution. Yet the anti-episcopal drive is of great interest and significance both in itself and in the fact that it was the first time in English history that a popular outcry changed the constitutional foundation of the English Government. It is difficult to isolate this subject from the many other political currents of which it is a part, but this study intends to do so as much as possible. However, the fact remains that in fifteen months, from 3 November, 1640 when the Long Parliament commenced, to 15 February, 1642 when the bishops were excluded from the Lords, a popular revolution had already taken place. There were four major areas in which the popular voice expressed itself in the period under discussion. There were anti-episcopal riots in London. Hundreds of petitions came to Parliament from all over the country demanding that the bishops be removed from their temporal jurisdictions. Anti-prelatical sentiment was spread by means of pamphlets during the great pamphlet war of 1641. In Parliament, the anti-episcopal leadership wedded their own cause of constitutional reform to the popular cause against the bishops. In the end, the combination of these four factors resulted in the successful passage of laws needed to deprive the episcopate of their constitutional right to sit in Parliament. The anti-episcopal drive of 1640-1642 had its roots in the popular antipathy towards the episcopal office. The bishops were deprived of their voice in Parliament because the English people wanted them removed from the Lords. The English Revolution had already begun. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

AFRIKAANS: In Suid-Afrika het 'n onderhandelde oorgang na demokrasie van 1992 af tot 1996 voorgekom waartydens twee grondwette deur die betrokke politieke partye onderhandel is. Die eerste bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon word dat die Suid¬-Afrikaanse voorbeeld van die onderhandelde oorgang die siening in die literatuur ondersteun dat politieke partye 'n belangrike rol in die uitvoering van oorgangstake kan vervul indien hul oor die vermoë beskik. Die hoof vakkundige probleem wat in die studie gestel is, is of die grondwetlike onderhandelingsprosesse daarop dui of daar 'n noodwendige verhouding is tussen die verwesenliking van 'n party se standpunte in 'n grondwet, en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. 'n Analise van die standpunte van die drie grootste partye in vergelyking met die onderhandelingsresultate het getoon dat daar wel 'n verhouding bestaan tussen die verwesenliking van die hoeveelheid standpunte in 'n grondwet en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. Waar die twee hoofpartye (die ANC en die NP) ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet in 'n relatiewe magsewewig tot mekaar was, is 'n kompromie tussen die NP se hoofdoelwit van magsdeling en die ANC se hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering basies getref deurdat kernaspekte van beide hierdie hoofdoelwitte verwesenlik is. Met die 1996-Grondwet, waar die ANC oor die groter politieke mag beskik het, is die grondwetlike resultaat nader aan die hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering as aan magsdeling. Die IVP het aan beide onderhandelingsprosesse onttrek, maar sodoende is die invloed van die magsbalans tussen die partye op die grondwetlike resultaat nie ontduik nie. Die rede is dat dié party nie daarin geslaag het om die oorhoofse beleidsdoelwit van 'n opvallende federale bedeling wat baie gedesentraliseerd is te realiseer nie. 'n Verdere bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon is hoe suksesvol partye tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms in Suid-Afrika bygedra het. In hierdie verband is 'n oorhoofse onderhandelingsingesteldheid met behulp van 'n raamwerk geïdentifiseer wat elke party met onderhandelinge gevolg het. 'n Party dra hiervolgens suksesvol tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms by deur 'n basiese balans te handhaaf tussen 'n samewerkende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur die onderhandelingsverhouding bevorder word) en 'n handhawende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur ondersteuners se belange bevorder word). Die ANC het ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet min of meer sodanige balans gehandhaaf ('n effens meer samewerkende as handhawende ingesteldheid), terwyl die klem van die Party na die verwesenliking van die belange van ondersteuners verskuif het ('n meestal handhawende ingesteldheid) met die onderhandeling van die 1996¬Grondwet. Die NP het ook ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet sodanige basiese balans gehandhaaf (effens meer handhawend as samewerkend), terwyl 'n ingesteldheid van meer samewerkend as handhawend ten opsigte van die daarstelling van die 1996-Grondwet openbaar is. Die IVP se onderhandelingstyl van vermyding, deurdat aan beide grondwetskrywende prosesse onttrek is, het beteken dat die Party nie 'n bewussyn openbaar het dat dit noodsaaklik is om ook toegewings te doen ten einde 'n wedersyds aanvaarbare oplossing te vind wat tot die vestiging van die demokrasie lei nie. ENGLISH: A negotiated transfer to democracy took place in South Africa from 1992 to 1996. In this period two constitutions were negotiated by the political parties concerned. The study shows, as a first contribution, that the South African example of the negotiated transfer supports the view in the literature that political parties can play an important role in the execution of tasks related to a transition, if they have the necessary capability. The main problem stated in the study is whether an analysis of the constitutional negotiation processes will show whether an inevitable relation exists between the realisation of the standpoints of a party in a constitution, and the political power of such a party. The standpoints of the three major parties compared with the negotiation results showed that there was indeed such a relation (between the realisation of the number of standpoints in a constitution and the political power of a party). The two major parties (the ANC and the NP) were in a relative balance of power with the negotiation of the 1993 Constitution, and a compromise was therefore reached between the NP's general policy goal of power sharing and the ANC's general policy goal of majority government. Core aspects of both these policy goals were realised. The ANC had the greater political power with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution and the negotiation result was therefore closer to the policy goal of majority government than to power sharing. The IFP withdrew from both negotiation processes, but did not escape the influence of the balance of power between the parties so doing, because the general policy goal (of a strongly federal, decentralised system) were not achieved. The study further shows to what extent parties contributed successfully to the democratic agreement in South Africa. In this regard, a negotiation disposition that each party followed in negotiations was identified by means of a framework. A party contributes successfully to the realisation of a democratic agreement by achieving a basic balance between a cooperative disposition (through which the negotiation agreement is promoted) and an assertive disposition (through which the interests of supporters are promoted). The ANC managed to achieve such a basic balance regarding the 1993 Constitution (a disposition of being slightly more cooperative than assertive was identified), while the focus shifted to the realisation of the interests of supporters (a mostly assertive disposition) with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution. The NP also achieved such a basic balance in regard to the 1993 Constitution (slightly more assertive than cooperative), while a disposition of more cooperative than assertive was shown in the realisation of the 1996 Constitution. The IFP's negotiation style of avoidance (in withdrawing from both constitution writing processes), meant that it did not reveal the consciousness that it is also necessary to make concessions in order to find a mutually acceptable solution that would lead to the establishment of democracy. / Thesis (PhD (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This dissertation explores contemporary American unwritten constitutionalism in three areas of public law: constitutional theory, election law, and administrative law. Drawing on methods familiar to political theory—analytic political philosophy and intellectual history—it offers a way of analyzing constitutional phenomena beyond legal reasoning tethered to text. The first essay uses social philosophy to build a theory of constitutional norms that explains their salient features and functions. The second essay builds a framework for understanding the concept of representation in the law of democracy. It uses political theory to reveal the latent normative questions animating election law doctrine. The third and final essay recovers the lost and contested origins of presidential administration during the Reagan administration. It shows how the combined efforts of executive branch lawyers, judges, and academics decisively brought the administrative state under presidential control and laid the foundations for the emergence of a plebiscitary president. Together these essays provide proof of concept for the dissertation’s central methodological claim: the need to move beyond text and legal reasoning in understanding American constitutionalism.

No description available.

This thesis discusses the English constitution and foreign affairs in 1621 including the transition from Tudor to Stuart monarchy following the death of Elizabeth I and the accession of James VI of Scotland.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Africa, 2002.

No description available.

This dissertation examines the Catholic Church’s response to the mid-nineteenth century Mexican liberal Reforma through a study of the life and work of Bishop Clemente de Jesús Munguía (1810-1868), one of the most influential yet least-known ecclesiastical intellectuals of the period. A lawyer by profession, Clemente Munguía was first professor and then rector of the Morelia diocesan seminary, where he undertook a major reform of the school’s curriculum and also composed several textbooks on a variety of subjects, including grammar, literature, rhetoric, philosophy, theology, and law. Appointed Bishop of Michoacán in October 1850, Munguía distinguished himself for his staunch opposition to the state’s encroachment on the Church, as well as for his insistence on the need for religious intolerance in what he imagined as an “exclusively Catholic” nation. His protests against the 1857 Constitution and the liberal legislation enacted by President Ignacio Comonfort were a key factor in the outbreak of the Civil War of the Reform (1858-1860) and the subsequent French intervention (1862-1867), which resulted in the separation of Church and state and the collapse of Mexican conservatism. Unlike previous studies, this dissertation argues that Bishop Munguía’s opposition to the Reforma derived not from a blind “reactionary” intransigence, but instead from his desire to emancipate the Church from the subordinate status it had under the colonial ancien régime. Far from the stereotype of a backward and parochial intellectual, Munguía was a sophisticated scholar who sought to reconcile Catholicism with the larger currents of thought of the Atlantic Republic of letters. Indeed, he believed that the liberal revolution should be countered “with its own weapons,” a conviction which first led him to frame the defense of ecclesiastical prerogatives in the language of modern natural law, and then to claim for the Church the very power of constitutional interpretation. Although Munguía’s ideal of a “Catholic republic” became unfeasible after the liberals’ final victory in 1867, his efforts at consolidating ecclesiastical independence paved the way for both the Romanization and the social activism that characterized the Mexican Church during the latter half of the nineteenth century. / text