Os livros publicados durante a primeira república que desenvolveram estudos com base nas novas configurações políticas e jurídicas introduzidas no país a partir da promulgação da constituição de 1891 podem ser considerados objetos de consumo que funcionaram como depositários da doutrina constitucional brasileira. Esses materiais procuraram dar continuidade e perenidade ao pensamento constitucional, esforçando-se no sentido de consolidar as criações e os debates constitucionais travados em embates discursivos provenientes das mais diferentes esferas. Os discursos construídos pelos autores são compreendidos dentro de um contexto amplo, no qual diferentes elementos e atores agiram como mediadores entre o texto do escritor e a recepção do leitor. Assim, os livros não são entendidos de forma idealizada como textos puros, mas como produtos finais cuja materialidade e realidade do mercado editorial determinaram também as formas de apresentação e de estruturação interna dos conteúdos abordados. A pesquisa analisa os livros de direito constitucional publicados durante a primeira república a partir desses dois pontos principais. Inicialmente trabalha informações relacionadas à materialidade dos textos, considerando aspectos sobre a produção e circulação desses livros, bem como elementos pré-textuais que trouxeram questões importantes para a sua compreensão. Na seqüência, enfoca os discursos produzidos pelos autores em torno de dois temas constitucionais específicos, o federalismo e o estado de sítio, e a forma como construíram seus textos e argumentos e os estruturaram e apresentaram aos leitores. Tanto nos aspectos relacionados ao mercado editorial do período quanto na análise dos discursos dos prefácios e na abordagem dos temas específicos do federalismo e do estado de sítio, foi possível perceber que no momento inicial da história republicana brasileira esses livros agiram construindo, consolidando e difundindo novos padrões, novos entendimentos e novas formas de concepção de mundo e de práticas de vida, ensinando e doutrinando os cidadãos de acordo com as estruturas republicanas. Considerando que o livro procura sistematizar, explicar, interpretar, divulgar e consolidar a constituição brasileira, numa formatação que incentiva o seu uso por uma gama ampla de leitores, o papel que exerce na sociedade é decisivo, já que repercute nas compreensões sociais e institucionais do país acerca do direito. / The books published during the Brazilian first republic that developed studies based on the new political and legal settings introduced in the country after the promulgation of the constitution of 1891 can be considered as objects of consumption that acted as keepers of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine. These materials sought to provide continuity and sustainability to the constitutional thought, making efforts to consolidate the constitutional creations and debates caught in discursive struggles coming from varied spheres. The discourses constructed by the authors are included within a broad context in which different elements and actors have performed as mediators between the text of the writer and reader reception. Thus, the books are not understood so idealized as pure text, but as final products whose materiality and reality of the publishing industry have also determined the forms of presentation and internal structuring of the content addressed. The research examines the books of constitutional law published during the first republic from these two main points. Initially, working on information related to the materiality of texts, considering aspects of the production and circulation of these books, as well as pre-textual elements that have brought important issues to understanding. Subsequently, it focuses on the discourses made by the authors around two specific constitutional issues, the federalism and the state of siege, and how they built their texts and arguments and structured and presented to readers. In both aspects of the publishing industry of the period and in the discourse analysis of the prefaces and addressing specific issues of federalism and the state of siege, it was revealed that in the initial time of Brazilian republican history, these books acted by building, consolidating and disseminating new standards, new understandings and new ways of designing the world and the daily practice, teaching and indoctrinating citizens in accordance with the republican structures. Whereas the book is an attempt to explain, interpret, disseminate and consolidate the Brazilian constitution, in a format that encourages their use by a wide range of readers, the role it plays in society is crucial, as it reflects in the social and institutional understandings of the country about Law.

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<p>  </p> <p>Between 1977 and 1984, Grove City College engaged in a legal dispute with the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare as to whether the college needed to sign federally mandated Title IX compliance forms for its students to receive federal funding. This project uses the culmination of the legal dispute, the Supreme Court case <em>Grove City College v. Bell </em>(1984) to engage with discussions about philanthropy’s role in shaping education, the political effects of that education, the politicization of interpretations of Supreme Court decisions, and the continued role of education in shaping a conservative intellectual elite. Throughout much of the twentieth century, oil magnate and conservative businessman J. Howard Pew funded Grove City College’s building projects and gave countless speeches at the college. By relying on his money, Pew steered the private college’s curriculum and student life to embrace Judeo-Christian norms, cultural conservatism, and libertarian economics. </p> <p>These values shaped the conservative response to federal regulations in the form of Title IX as Grove City College sought to defend those values. This sociolegal history of the case reveals the intellectual roots of Grove City College’s retaliation. Furthermore, this project bridges legal and political history as I show that Supreme Court decisions were shaped by activists and politicians. We must look beyond case law. The project connects grassroots activism and political decisions as both meted out the future of conservatism in the public square. By conflating popularity with democracy, Ronald Reagan and his Department of Justice tried to appease all sides in the legal conflict as he made overtures to the antifeminist New Right. This project then touches on the battle over minority rule and majoritarian democracy as Reagan was at odds with the New Right as he subscribed to the latter. My work on <em>Grove City College v. Bell </em>(1984) then pushes our discussion of political history beyond a red and blue dichotomy as Democrats and moderate Republicans formed a bipartisan coalition to legislatively overturn the Supreme Court’s decision. Grove City College’s conservative think tank acts as a new endeavor to inform the public square as to the values of conservatism. Long since passed away, Pew’s values live on in the Institute for Faith and Freedom. By observing the branding of the organization and its connection to the college’s history, this work shows the fluidity and adaptability of conservatism as it occurs on campus and how it intertwines with national conversations today with which conservatism is concerned. </p>

[pt] Há dois séculos, o Brasil se tornava independente pela via do constitucionalismo, um período controverso em que diversas propostas em forma normativa, além do projeto da Constituinte e do Conselho de Estado, foram apresentadas para a constituição do Império brasileiro. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar esses projetos e bases constitucionais datados entre 1822 e 1824 e comparar suas estruturas de governo e as liberdades individuais sob uma ótica teórica contemporânea aos fatos, especificamente as ideias do publicista franco-suíço Benjamin Constant. Para isso, foram empregados os métodos dedutivos e da Nova História, considerando a perspectiva de António Manuel Hespanha, e preceitos e técnicas do Direito Comparado. A pesquisa se justifica pela ausência de estudos exploratórios das demais formulações normativas publicizadas e a necessária adição de outros elementos e novas leituras para a melhor compreensão do debate público em torno da história constitucional brasileira. / [en] Two centuries ago, Brazil became independent through constitutionalism, a controversial period where several proposals in normative form, in addition to the project of the Constituent Assembly and the Council of State, were presented for the constitution of the Brazilian Empire. The objective of this dissertation is to analyze these projects and constitutional basis dated between 1822 and 1824, comparing their government structures and individual liberties from a theoretical perspective contemporary to the facts, specifically the ideas of the French-Swiss publicist Benjamin Constant. For this, deductive and New History methods were used, considering the perspective of António Manuel Hespanha, and precepts and techniques of Comparative Law. The research is justified by the absence of exploratory studies of other published normative formulations and the necessary addition of other elements and new readings for a better understanding of the public debate around Brazilian constitutional history.

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

Le cabinet ministériel représente depuis plus d’un siècle un élément incontournable du système politique français. Équipe formée par les collaborateurs immédiats du ministre, nommée par lui, le cabinet est situé à un carrefour complexe d’interactions qui comporte les administrations, le Parlement, les groupes d’intérêt et les médias. Délaissée par les juristes, l’étude institutionnelle du cabinet ministériel est aujourd’hui l’apanage de la sociologie et des sciences politiques. À de rares exceptions près, la doctrine constitutionnelle l’a toujours considéré comme une institution juridiquement indissociable de la personne du ministre. Malgré l’ampleur du phénomène, elle observe à son égard un silence quasi unanime qui ne laisse pas de surprendre. Cette indifférence doctrinale ne peut être véritablement expliquée qu’à l’aune de l’histoire des représentations constitutionnelles. L’apparition et le développement des cabinets ministériels procèdent en effet des mutations subies par le Conseil d’État napoléonien tout au long du XIXe siècle. Par-delà les vicissitudes de l’histoire politique, les cabinets expriment la persistance coutumière d’un principe issu du constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire, selon lequel la fonction gouvernementale doit être organiquement séparée de la fonction administrative. Confondues à l’échelon du ministre, conformément à la logique propre du régime parlementaire, ces deux fonctions vont rester dissociées à l’intérieur même des ministères, grâce aux cabinets ministériels. Les réticences traditionnelles de la doctrine publiciste à l’égard de la notion de « fonction gouvernementale » expliquent en grande partie le caractère inédit d’une telle lecture de l’histoire constitutionnelle. / Since more than a century, the ministerial cabinet is an essential organ of the French political system. This team appointed by the Minister gathers his immediate staff. It is connected to administrations, to Parliament, to lobbies, to Medias, and sometimes to citizens. There are very few legal studies on this subject, which interests especially the political sciences and the sociology. With few exceptions, constitutional doctrine has always regarded the cabinet as an institution legally inseparable from the person of the Minister. Given the magnitude of this practice, the almost unanimous silence of doctrine is rather surprising. This doctrinal indifference finds an explanation in the history of constitutional representations. The emergence and development of ministerial cabinets since the monarchy’s Restoration in 1814 are related to the alterations undergone by the Napoleonic Council of State throughout the nineteenth century. Beyond the vicissitudes of political history, they express the persisting of a customary principle stemming from French revolutionary constitutionalism, according to which the governmental function must be organically separated from the administrative function. These two functions – merged at the Minister's level in accordance with the logic of the parliamentary system – will remain separated inside the ministry, by means of cabinets. The conventional reluctance of the French constitutional doctrine with regard to the notion of "governmental function" largely explains the novelty of such a reading of constitutional history.

Le contrôle de constitutionnalité des révisions n’est pas encore accepté en France. Il s’agit d’une position qui fait consensus en doctrine depuis les débuts de la IIIème République. Dans sa décision du 26 mars 2003, le Conseil constitutionnel a également rejeté sa compétence en matière de lois constitutionnelles. Pour autant, la situation française reste, à l’aune du droit comparé, si ce n’est exceptionnelle, du moins isolée par rapport à ses proches voisins allemands et italiens. En outre, il existe dans le texte de la Constitution de 1958 une disposition formellement non-révisable. L’article 89 alinéa 5 dispose ainsi : « La forme républicaine du Gouvernement ne peut faire l’objet d’une révision ». Loin des débats sur la supraconstitutionnalité, il est donc possible d’envisager un contentieux spécifique des lois de révision constitutionnelles sur le fondement même de la Constitution. On désigne ces normes comme des normes à constitutionnalité renforcée. Il s’agit d’envisager d’abord s’il existe en théorie une hiérarchie entre les normes à constitutionnalité renforcée et les normes à constitutionnalité simple. Cette recherche ne peut se fonder que dans le cadre d’une analyse positiviste et kelsénienne du droit. Elle montre bien que le pouvoir constituant pose des normes spécifiques lors de la production de la constitution que le pouvoir de révision, mais aussi tous les autres pouvoirs constitués de l’État, doit respecter. Ensuite, il convient de vérifier que cette théorie est effective dans la pratique. L’étude des « changements de constitution », lors de transitions constitutionnelles ou des révisions totales conforte cette posture théorique. L’analyse de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle comparée démontre enfin que, loin d’être la prémisse d’un « Gouvernement des juges », le contrôle des révisions constitutionnelles permet le parachèvement de l’État de droit / Judicial review of constitutional amendments is not yet accepted in France. The legal community quasi-unanimously agreed on that solution since the early days of the III Republic. In its decision dated from march 26th, 2003, the Constitutional Council has explicitly denied its power concerning constitutional amendments. In view of the situation in neighboring countries Germany and Italy, the French situation remains singular, if not exceptional.The Constitution contains a provision which cannot be amended. Article 89 para 5 thus states: The republican form of government shall not be the object of any amendment.” Far from the debate on supraconstitutionaliy, it is therefore possible to envisage a specific action of constitutional amendment, based on the Constitution itself. These norms are called constitutionally enforced. The idea is to determine whether a hierarchy exists between “enforced constitutionally norms” and “simple constitutionally norms”. This research must be conducted under a positivist and kelsenian approach. It demonstrates that the constituent power creates specific norms that the amending power, along with all delegated power must respect. It should then be assessed if this theory is effective. The analysis of “constitutions changes” during constitutional transition reinforces the theoretical analysis. Comparative constitutional law studies demonstrate that judicial review of constitutional amendments is not a “Government by judiciary”; it further advances the rule of Law

This study examines the life of William Vaughan, a merchant in London during the revolutionary era, and the product of a new form of liberal education developed in England's Dissenting Academies. By taking full advantage of the innovative principles of liberal education developed by men like Joseph Priestley, Vaughan, as a professional, was able to wield social and political influence on behalf of a new merchant class previously excluded from the halls of power. Vaughan's success as governor of the Royal Exchange Assurance Corporation and promoter of the English shipping industry, as well as his service as a member of numerous civic and philanthropic organizations, demonstrated a commitment to gradual improvements in the material and moral circumstances of the British Empire that had relatively little to do with the partisan political categories typically associated with the revolutionary era. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Em 5 de fevereiro de 2017 a Constituição Política dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos completa cem anos. Corolário da Revolução Mexicana que a antecedeu, a Constituição Mexicana de 1917 é a primeira no mundo a assegurar direitos sociais regulação da propriedade e reforma agrária, direitos dos trabalhadores, direito à educação laica em seu texto. A criação de um constitucionalismo social transformou o próprio conceito de Estado, ampliando consideravelmente tanto sua capacidade de intervenção na realidade como as expectativas e demandas sociais de ação estatal. O objetivo desta tese foi descrever e analisar o desenrolar revolucionário mexicano entre 1910 e 1917, principalmente a partir dos planos e documentos jurídicos produzidos pelos diferentes grupos que dele participaram, para compreender o contexto histórico que possibilitou as formulações originais e a inclusão de direitos sociais na Constituição de 1917. A análise dessa porção da história do direito mexicano mostra que, ao adotarem a forma jurídica para escrever seus anseios de transformação social, as diferentes correntes revolucionárias mexicanas decidiram deliberadamente disputar a forma-direito que seria responsável por ordenar a sociedade. Assumiram que o conteúdo das normas jurídicas futuras estava também sujeito ao resultado da luta social que eles vinham travando. E que não se tratava de uma batalha perdida contra uma forma que lhes era necessariamente desfavorável, mas sim de uma disputa que poderia ser vencida. Além disso, a análise dos textos de planos, decretos e outros documentos revolucionários fontes primárias escritas em linguagem jurídica trouxe importantes elementos para a compreensão e interpretação da própria Revolução Mexicana. A história do direito que aqui se reconstrói contribuiu para novos olhares sobre aquele momento histórico, levando a divergências consideráveis frente à historiografia consagrada, em especial no que diz respeito à avaliação política do processo revolucionário. Permitiu também conclusões importantes acerca do papel do direito na história, particularmente na história das revoluções. / On the fifth of January, 2017, the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States celebrates a hundred years of existence. Corollary to the Mexican Revolution which preceded it, the Mexican Constitution of 1917 is the first in the world to secure social rights property limitations and agrarian reform, labor rights, right to a secular education in its text. The creation of a social constitutionalism transformed the very concept of State, considerably enlarging its capacity to intervene upon reality and, at the same time, augmenting social demands and expectancies for state action. The purpose of this doctoral thesis was to describe and analyze the development of Mexican Revolution between 1910 and 1917, with particular emphasis upon juridical plans and documents ensued by the different groups that took part in it, in order to better understand the historical context that made possible the original ideas incorporated in the 1917 Constitution, especially the inclusion of social rights. Analysis of this portion of Mexican Law History shows that, by adopting the juridical form to inscribe their demands for social transformation, the distinct revolutionary parties deliberately opted for disputing the Law-form, as responsible for shaping society. They assumed that the content of future juridical rules was subject also to the result of the social struggles they had been engaged in; that this was not a battle doomed to be lost against a form necessarily contrary to their interests, but a dispute that could turn out in their favor. Moreover, analysis of the text of different plans, decrees and other revolutionary documents primary sources written in juridical language brought important elements for the understanding and interpreting of Mexican Revolution itself. The legal history which was here reconstructed contributed to shape a new way of looking to that historical period, with considerable disagreement with established historiography, particularly as regards the political evaluation of the revolutionary process. It also allowed important conclusions as to the role played by law in History, particularly in the history of revolutions.

Em 5 de fevereiro de 2017 a Constituição Política dos Estados Unidos Mexicanos completa cem anos. Corolário da Revolução Mexicana que a antecedeu, a Constituição Mexicana de 1917 é a primeira no mundo a assegurar direitos sociais regulação da propriedade e reforma agrária, direitos dos trabalhadores, direito à educação laica em seu texto. A criação de um constitucionalismo social transformou o próprio conceito de Estado, ampliando consideravelmente tanto sua capacidade de intervenção na realidade como as expectativas e demandas sociais de ação estatal. O objetivo desta tese foi descrever e analisar o desenrolar revolucionário mexicano entre 1910 e 1917, principalmente a partir dos planos e documentos jurídicos produzidos pelos diferentes grupos que dele participaram, para compreender o contexto histórico que possibilitou as formulações originais e a inclusão de direitos sociais na Constituição de 1917. A análise dessa porção da história do direito mexicano mostra que, ao adotarem a forma jurídica para escrever seus anseios de transformação social, as diferentes correntes revolucionárias mexicanas decidiram deliberadamente disputar a forma-direito que seria responsável por ordenar a sociedade. Assumiram que o conteúdo das normas jurídicas futuras estava também sujeito ao resultado da luta social que eles vinham travando. E que não se tratava de uma batalha perdida contra uma forma que lhes era necessariamente desfavorável, mas sim de uma disputa que poderia ser vencida. Além disso, a análise dos textos de planos, decretos e outros documentos revolucionários fontes primárias escritas em linguagem jurídica trouxe importantes elementos para a compreensão e interpretação da própria Revolução Mexicana. A história do direito que aqui se reconstrói contribuiu para novos olhares sobre aquele momento histórico, levando a divergências consideráveis frente à historiografia consagrada, em especial no que diz respeito à avaliação política do processo revolucionário. Permitiu também conclusões importantes acerca do papel do direito na história, particularmente na história das revoluções. / On the fifth of January, 2017, the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States celebrates a hundred years of existence. Corollary to the Mexican Revolution which preceded it, the Mexican Constitution of 1917 is the first in the world to secure social rights property limitations and agrarian reform, labor rights, right to a secular education in its text. The creation of a social constitutionalism transformed the very concept of State, considerably enlarging its capacity to intervene upon reality and, at the same time, augmenting social demands and expectancies for state action. The purpose of this doctoral thesis was to describe and analyze the development of Mexican Revolution between 1910 and 1917, with particular emphasis upon juridical plans and documents ensued by the different groups that took part in it, in order to better understand the historical context that made possible the original ideas incorporated in the 1917 Constitution, especially the inclusion of social rights. Analysis of this portion of Mexican Law History shows that, by adopting the juridical form to inscribe their demands for social transformation, the distinct revolutionary parties deliberately opted for disputing the Law-form, as responsible for shaping society. They assumed that the content of future juridical rules was subject also to the result of the social struggles they had been engaged in; that this was not a battle doomed to be lost against a form necessarily contrary to their interests, but a dispute that could turn out in their favor. Moreover, analysis of the text of different plans, decrees and other revolutionary documents primary sources written in juridical language brought important elements for the understanding and interpreting of Mexican Revolution itself. The legal history which was here reconstructed contributed to shape a new way of looking to that historical period, with considerable disagreement with established historiography, particularly as regards the political evaluation of the revolutionary process. It also allowed important conclusions as to the role played by law in History, particularly in the history of revolutions.