Univ., Diss.--Kassel, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. 269 - 290.

This thesis deals with the conceptualization of access to land by the dispossessed as a human right and commences with an account of the struggle for land between the peoples of African and European extractions in South Africa. It is observed that the latter assumed sovereignty over the ancestral lands of the former. The thesis discusses the theoretical foundation of the study and situates the topic within its conceptual parameters. The writer examines the notions of justice and equity in the context of the post apartheid constitutional mandate to redress the skewed policy of the past. It is argued that the dispossession of Africans from lands that they had possessed for thousands of years on the assumption that the land was terra nullius was profoundly iniquitous and unjust. Although the study is technically limited to dispossessions occurring on or after the 13th June 1913, it covers a fairly extensive account of dispossession predating this date. This historical analysis is imperative for two reasons. Besides supporting the writer’s contention that the limitation of restitution to land dispossessed on or after 1913 was arbitrary, it also highlights both the material and non-material cost of the devastating wars of dispossessions. The candidate comments extensively on the post apartheid constitutional property structure which was conceived as a redress to the imbalance created by dispossession. This underlying objective explains why the state’s present land policy is geared towards facilitating access to land for the landless. The thesis investigates the extent to which the present property structure which defines access to land as a human right has succeeded in achieving the stated objective. It reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the land restitution process as well as the question of the payment of just and equitable compensation for land expropriated for restitution. The latter was carefully examined because it plays a crucial role in the success or otherwise of the restitution scheme. The writer argues that the courts have, on occasions, construed just and equitable compensation generously. This approach has failed to reflect the moral component inherent in the Aristotelian corrective justice. This, in the context of South Africa, requires compensation to reflect the fact that what is being paid for is land dispossessed from the forebears of indigenous inhabitants. It seems obvious that the scales of justice are tilted heavily in favour of the propertied class whose ancestors were responsible for this dispossession. This has a ripple effect on the pace of the restitution process. It also seems to have the effect of favouring the property class at the expense of the entire restitution process. The candidate also comments on the court’s differing approaches to the interpretation of the constitutional property clause. The candidate contends that the construction of the property clause and related pieces of legislation in a manner that stresses the maintenance of a balance between private property interest and land reform is flawed. This contention is supported by the fact that these values do not have proportional worth in the present property context of South Africa. The narrow definition of “past racially discriminatory law and practices” and labour tenant as used in the relevant post apartheid land reform laws is criticized for the same reason of its uncontextual approach. A comparative appraisal of similar developments relating to property law in other societies like India and Zimbabwe has been done. The writer has treated the post reform land evictions as a form of dispossession. The candidate notes that the country should guard against allowing the disastrous developments in Zimbabwe to influence events in the country and calls for an amendment of the property clause of the constitution in response to the practical difficulties which a decade of the operation of the current constitution has revealed.

This dissertation will explore the revolutionary progression in the provision of monetary damages and the availability thereof due to the change in South Africa’s legal system from Parliamentary sovereignty to Constitutional supremacy after the enactment of the final Constitution in 19961. The Constitution of South Africa brought with it the concepts of justification and accountability as the Bill of Rights enshrines fundamental rights and the remedies for the infringement of same. The available remedies for the infringement of a fundamental right flow from two sources, being either from the development of the common law remedies in line with the Bill of Rights or alternatively from Section 38 of the Constitution, which provides for a remedy which provides ‘appropriate’ relief. The question that will be raised in this dissertation is, ‘does appropriate relief include an award of delictual damages?’ or a question related thereto ‘is an award of monetary damages an appropriate remedy?’ The motivation for this dissertation arises from the plethora of case law, especially in the Eastern Cape, that has come to the fore in the last sixteen years, highlighting the injustice of cancellations of social assistance grants and the non-payment of such in South Africa’s social security system, as well as the precedent that was set by our Constitutional Court and Supreme Court in remedying that injustice. The central case to this dissertation is that of Kate v Member of Executive Council for Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape 2005 1 SA 141 SECLD; Member of Executive Council, Department of Welfare, Eastern Cape v Kate 2006 (4) SA 478 (SCA), which is generally regarded as having paved the way for the granting of monetary damages for the infringement of an individual’s constitutional right as same require legal protection. Firstly the past approach to damages will be explored in relation to South Africa’s common law, being the Roman-Dutch law. The common law Aquilian action is the focal point of this dissertation in relation to the common law in that the granting of damages for the infringement of an individual’s social assistance right (being a specific constitutional right framed within the 1996 Constitution) results in pure patrimonial loss which in our common law system was remedied by the actio legis Aquilae. In delict, an award of damages is the primary remedy, aimed at affording compensation in respect of the legal right or interest infringed. After the common law system of damages has been explored, this dissertation will then examine the changes that have developed therefrom, and largely shaped by the current state of disorganization in the National Department of Welfare coupled with the all encompassing power of the final Constitution. The final Constitution provides the power, in section 38 of the 1996 Constitution, for the court to award a monetary remedy for the breach of a constitutional right. The question, however, is “does the award of monetary damages not merely throw money at the problem, whereas the purpose of a constitutional remedy is to vindicate guaranteed rights and prevent or deter future violations?” The battle for domination between the common law approach and the constitutional approach to damages is witnessed as the two systems eventually amalgamate to form an essentially new remedy, unique to South Africa. South Africa’s new system is aligned with the Constitution as the Constitution is the supreme law of the land and underpins the awarding of all damages and, especially, the awarding of constitutional damages. For the sake of completeness, alternatives to monetary damages will also be canvassed in this dissertation. It is hoped that the reader will, in the end, realize that the final Constitution is the supreme law of the land and as such dictates the manner and form in which damages are provided. If such provision is not in alignment with the Constitution, it will be declared invalid. The flexibility of our common law is put to the test, yet it is found to be adaptable to the ever-developing boni mores of society exemplified in the embracing constitutional principles and the production of this new remedy. The courts develop the common law under section 39(2) of the Constitution in order to keep the common law in step with the evolution of our society and the ever changing nature of bonos mores. / National Research Foundation

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

No description available.

This is a study of official documents published by and for the Cape colonial Parliament from the mid nineteenth century, when the parliamentary system of government began in South Africa, to the early years of the twentieth century, when the Cape colony was incorporated into the Union of South Africa. The constitutional framework within which government and parliamentary publishing took place is outlined, and the relevance of each type of document to the work of Parliament and the present-day researcher is explained. Emphasis has been placed on the administration of the publishing process from conceptualization through the printing stages to distribution and finally to the disposal of surplus material. The study concludes with an investigation of the current status of Cape parliamentary publications respecting preservation issues and the exploitation of the material for research purposes in libraries and archives, and some remarks on future trends. Particular attention has been given to use of the Dutch language in the predominantly English language Cape Parliament and the hitherto neglected effect this had on official publishing. Copious footnotes and seven appendixes have been supplied to make this study thoroughly comprehensive. / Information Science / M.Info. (Information Science)

The objective of this thesis is to assess the impact and influence of South Africa's Constitutional Court in the first two years of our democracy. To achieve this objective, some of the definitive and controversial cases already decided by the Court have been selected and analysed in an attempt to glean some jurisprudential perspectives of the Court. It focuses on the work of the Court over the past two years. It deals with the evolution of South Africa into a democracy, and analyzes the South African legal system prior to the beginning of the process of transformation. It briefly surveys the evolution of our constitutional system, dating back from the pre-1910 colonial period and provides a broad outline of the legal system in the post-April 1994 period of transformation. It analyzes the Court from the point of view of, inter alia, its composition, jurisdiction and powers. The Court is also contrasted with courts in other jurisdictions which exercise full judicial review. The Court's emerging jurisprudence is examined. A review is made, inter alia, of the Court's understanding of, and approach to, the questions of the values underpinning the post-apartheid society and its constitutional system, and constitutional interpretation. The right against self-incrimination and South African company law and the two relevant Constitutional Court cases are discussed. The collection of evidence by the State and the constitutionality of provisions relating to search and seizure and the taking of fingerprints are looked into. The Court's approach to statutory presumptions and criminal prosecutions; some aspects of our appeals procedures; an accused's right to be assisted by a lawyer at state expense; the question of a fair trial and access to information; capital punishment; corporal punishment; committal to prison for debt; and the certification of constitutions is analyzed. Two of the cases in which the provinces clashed with the national government on the distribution of posers between provinces and the national government are discussed. The conclusion is that the Court has, overall, hitherto acquitted itself well in the handling of particularly the controversial quasi-political questions that arose in the cases it has decided. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / L.L. D. (Law)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study looks at a watershed period in the history of Judaism. In 175 B.C.E. a group of Jews sought to break Judaea out of the isolation in which it had stood since the Persian period. They wished to develop closer ties with their neighbours in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia and the Greek world in general. Since the Persian period the people of Judaea had been governed by high priests according to the 'ancestral laws' i.e. the Torah and its interpretation by Ezra. This 'ancestral law' had been confirmed as binding on all Jews by Antiochus III in his decree of 198 B.C.E. In order to move beyond the restrictions placed on contact between Jews and other peoples, it would be necessary to have the political status of Judaea changed. A change of political status could only be brought about by the king or one of his successors. In 175 B.C.E. a group of Jews requested Antiochus IV to permit them to transform Judaea from an ethnos into a polis. He agreed and the transformation was begun. It is these events of 175 B.C.E. that form the base of this study. The writer uses the model of Cultural Anthropology to form a framework in which these and subsequent events can be analysed. In this way we can get a better understanding of how events progressed. How a political reform ended in a religious suppression and persecution and finally a successful revolt against the Seleucid kingdom. The Torah and its interpretation stood at the center of Jewish life. Each group interpreted the law in their own way and understood events in relation to this interpretation. Therefore no analysis of this period can be undertaken without taking the law and its various interpretations into account. The law is the thread that holds all facets of this work together. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handeloor 'n tydperk van waterskeiding in die geskiedenis van die Judaïsme. In 175 ve. wou 'n groep Jode in Palestina wegbreek uit die isolasie waarin hulle hulleself bevind het sedert die oorname deur die Persiese ryk. Hulle wou graag nouer bande met hulle buurstate en die Griekse wêreld aanknoop. Sedert die Persiese tydperk is die mense van Juda deur hëepriesters regeer, volgens die 'voorvaderlike wette', dws die Torah en sy vertolking volgens Esra. Alle Jode was gebind deur hierdie 'voorvaderlike wette' deur Antiogus III se dekreet van 198 ve. Indien die mense die beperkings teen kontak met ander volke sou wou ophef, sou dit nodig wees om die politieke status van Juda te verander. Net die koning of een van sy opvolgers kon die politieke status van Juda verander. In 175 ve. word Antiogus IV deur 'n groep Jode gevra om verlof om Jerusalem in 'n Griekse polis te omskep. Hy het ingestem en die omskepping het begin. Hierdie gebeurtenisse van 175 ve. vorm die basis van hierdie studie. Die skrywer gebruik die kutuur-antropologiese teoretiese model as raamwerk vir die ontleding van hierdie en opvolgende gebeurtenisse. Hierdie model stelons in staat om die ontwikkelinge in Juda beter te verstaan en meer spesifiek 'n antwoord op die volgende vraag te kry: "Hoekom het politieke hervorming tot godsdienstige verdrukking en vervolging aanleiding gegee en in die finale instansie tot 'n suksesvolle opstand teen die Seleukied koninkryk gelei?" Die Torah en sy vertolking het die sentrum van die Joodse lewe gevorm. Elke groep in Juda het die 'wet' op sy eie manier vertolk en ontwikkelinge in verband daarmee probeer verstaan. Daarom is dit nie moontlik om hierdie tydperk te bestudeer sonder 'n erkenning van die waarde van die 'wet' en sy verskillende vertolkings nie. Die 'wet' is die goue draad wat hierdie studie byeen hou.

Le modèle réformiste de la Constitution de l’Angleterre a intellectuellement dominé la France du XIXe siècle. Synthèse des aspirations françaises visant la stabilité politique, cette représentation mêle un historicisme de l’accomplissement libéral du gouvernement représentatif et une adhésion à la légitimation coutumière de l’innovation. Elle procède d’un jeu de projections contradictoires sur la Constitution anglaise. D’une part, les libéraux romantiques identifient dans ses institutions, les conditions propres à préserver l’individu des abus du pouvoir et à permettre le développement de la démocratie. D’autre part, les traditionalistes perçoivent dans la continuité historique de l’Angleterre, les bienfaits structurants de la hiérarchie sociale et de la liberté aristocratique. Plus particulièrement, les Doctrinaires décèlent, dans la morphologie civilisationnelle de l’Angleterre, une société déployant la liberté dans l’ordre. C’est dans le parlementarisme, produit historique de l’évolution institutionnelle anglaise, que la doctrine politique finit par identifier le régime politique susceptible de clore les tensions révolutionnaires françaises. Pensé comme une matrice libératrice des énergies individuelles et conservatrice de l’ordre politique et social, il dépossède le chef de l’Etat de son pouvoir personnel, dans la mesure où il le rend irresponsable. En outre, il consacre le règne de l’opinion publique par la prédominance de la chambre élective et par la reconnaissance de la responsabilité politique des ministres. Enfin, il encadre l’action politique par les usages historiques hérités de la monarchie représentative. Fondé sur un projet politique, le parlementarisme français donne corps à une philosophie prudentielle du droit constitutionnel. Celle-ci conçoit la constitution comme un cadre institutionnel au sein duquel l’agir politique doit pouvoir adapter la société à son stade de développement historique. Le laconisme des Lois constitutionnelles de la Troisième République témoigne de l’enracinement de ce réformisme constitutionnel. Plus qu’un compromis politique de circonstances, il cristallise en effet une politique constitutionnelle libérale et conservatrice. Ce travail entend montrer qu’elle résulte de la modélisation française de la Constitution anglaise au XIXe siècle. / The reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires see through the morphology of the English civilization a society that secures freedom within order. French thinkers recognise in parliamentarism, as a product of England’s institutional evolution, the political regime capable of putting an end to French revolutionary tensions. As a mould that both liberates the energies of individuals and protects the political and social order, it renders the Head of State irresponsible and thus strips him of personal powers. Furthermore, it establishes the reign of public opinion through the superiority of the elected chamber and the recognition of government responsibility. Finally, it disciplines political action through the historical practices inherited from representative monarchy. Based on a political project, parliamentary government in France gives substance to a prudential philosophy of constitutional law. This philosophy views the constitution as an institutional framework within which political action must be able to adapt society to its historical phase of development. The laconism of the constitutional laws of the Third Republic reflects this constitutional reformism. Rather than a circumstantial political compromise, it crystallizes a liberal and conservative constitutional policy. The present study aims to show that it is the result of how the English Constitution has been modeled in France during the nineteenth century.

La création du Supremo Tribunal Federal est recherché par de facteurs qui ont influencé la chute de la monarchie, l'oeuvre du Gouvernement Provisoire, les discussions à l'Assemblée constituante et les normes de la nouvelle Constitution. L'environnement politique et juridique qui commence à se développer en 1870 explique la force des groupes, des idées politiques et comment les États-Unis sont devenus le modèle de référence pour le Brésilien. Il est le rôle des positivistes, des militaires, des propriétaires fonciers, des intellectuels urbains et la naissante opinion publique des villes qui composent l'environnement pour le remplacement de l'ancien système politique. Ces éléments sont présentés afin de vérifier comment était la division de la pensée politique au Brésil et les effets de cette division dans les normes constitutionnelles républicaines. Même qui bien documenté l'histoire de la cour suprême après leur activité, ces moments de création aident a donner un aperçu des origines de la cour et les raisons de sa conception institutionnelle. La compréhension de ces moments permettent d'expliquer les conflits qui pourraient surgir lorsqu'un tribunal avec de telles compétences ont agi pendant décennies dans un contexte peu enclins à accepter les interventions et les limites aux décisions politiques. / A criação do Supremo Tribunal Federal é pesquisada por meio dos fatores que influíram na queda da coroa, implantação do Governo Provisório, discussões na Assembleia Constituinte e as normas da nova Constituição. O ambiente político e jurídico que começa a se desenvolver em 1870 explica a força dos grupos e ideias políticas e como os Estados Unidos da América passaram a ser o modelo de referência para os brasileiros. É o papel dos positivistas, militares, proprietários rurais, intelectuais urbanos e a nascente opinião pública das cidades que formam o ambiente para a substituição do antigo sistema político. Esses elementos são apresentados para verificar como se dividiam as correntes de pensamento político no Brasil e os efeitos dessa divisão nas normas constitucionais republicanas. Apesar de estar bem documentada a trajetória do Supremo Tribunal Federal após a sua atividade, esses momentos de criação ajudam a dar uma perspectiva das origens da corte e os motivos de seu desenho institucional. Compreender esses momentos ajuda a explicar os conflitos que seriam gerados quando uma corte com tais competências fosse atuar por décadas em um contexto pouco propenso a aceitar intervenções e limitações de decisões políticas. / The creation of the Supremo Tribunal Federal is researched considering the factors that influenced the fall of the monarchy, beginning of the Interim Government, discussions in the Constituent Assembly and the norms of the new Constitution. The political and legal environment that begins to develop in 1870 explains the role of groups, political ideas and how the United States became the reference model for the Brazilian. It is the role of the positivists, military, landowners, urban intellectuals and the rising public opinion in the cities that make up the environment for the replacement of the old political system. These elements are presented to verify how divided the currents of political thought were in Brazil and the effects of this division in the Republican constitutional norms. Although the history of the supreme court after its activity is well documented, these moments of creation help to give a fuller perspective of the court origins and the reasons for its institutional design. Understanding these moments helps to explain the conflicts that would arise when a court with such ample legal attributions were operating for decades in a context disinclined to accept interventions and limitations of policy decisions. / La creación de lo Supremo Tribunal Federal es investigada por medio de los factores que influyeron en la caída de la corona, la implementación del Gobierno Provisional, los debates en la Asamblea Constituyente y las reglas de la nueva Constitución. El entorno político y legal que comienza a desarrollarse en 1870 explica la fuerza de los grupos, las ideas políticas y cómo el Estados Unidos se convirtió en el modelo de referencia para los brasileños. Es el papel de los positivistas, militares, propietarios de tierras, intelectuales urbanos y la naciente opinión pública en las ciudades que conforman el entorno para la sustitución del antiguo sistema político. Estos elementos se presentan para se verificar cómo eran divididas las corrientes del pensamiento político en Brasil y los efectos de esta división en las normas constitucionales republicanas. Aunque bien documentada la historia de lo Supremo Tribunal Federal después de su actividad, estos momentos de la creación ayudan a dar una visión de los orígenes de la corte y las razones de su diseño institucional. La comprensión de estos momentos ayuda a explicar los conflictos que surgen cuando un tribunal con tales habilidades estuviera actuando por décadas en un contexto poco dispuesto a aceptar las intervenciones y las limitaciones en las decisiones políticas.