Law / LL.M.

LL.M. / This is the exploration of the topic of nationalisation of the country’s mines and mineral wealth. The discussion studies the impact of the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002 (hereafter referred to as the MPRDA) and other relevant legislation on the nationalisation discussion. Ultimately the discussion examines whether nationalisation finds any support within the South African Constitution or not. The discussion begins with a study of the history of mining and minerals rights; an exploration is then undertaken on the meaning of property and whether mineral rights can be understood to mean property. The discussion then progresses to the study of the relevant provisions of section 25 of the South African Constitution in an effort to determine whether nationalisation is justifiable in terms of the South African Constitution. What is largely considered in this case are the recent findings of the Agri South Africa v Minister for Minerals and Energy 2013 4 SA 1 CC case as well as other relevant and emerging case law on the subject matter.

AFRIKAANS: In Suid-Afrika het 'n onderhandelde oorgang na demokrasie van 1992 af tot 1996 voorgekom waartydens twee grondwette deur die betrokke politieke partye onderhandel is. Die eerste bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon word dat die Suid¬-Afrikaanse voorbeeld van die onderhandelde oorgang die siening in die literatuur ondersteun dat politieke partye 'n belangrike rol in die uitvoering van oorgangstake kan vervul indien hul oor die vermoë beskik. Die hoof vakkundige probleem wat in die studie gestel is, is of die grondwetlike onderhandelingsprosesse daarop dui of daar 'n noodwendige verhouding is tussen die verwesenliking van 'n party se standpunte in 'n grondwet, en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. 'n Analise van die standpunte van die drie grootste partye in vergelyking met die onderhandelingsresultate het getoon dat daar wel 'n verhouding bestaan tussen die verwesenliking van die hoeveelheid standpunte in 'n grondwet en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. Waar die twee hoofpartye (die ANC en die NP) ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet in 'n relatiewe magsewewig tot mekaar was, is 'n kompromie tussen die NP se hoofdoelwit van magsdeling en die ANC se hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering basies getref deurdat kernaspekte van beide hierdie hoofdoelwitte verwesenlik is. Met die 1996-Grondwet, waar die ANC oor die groter politieke mag beskik het, is die grondwetlike resultaat nader aan die hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering as aan magsdeling. Die IVP het aan beide onderhandelingsprosesse onttrek, maar sodoende is die invloed van die magsbalans tussen die partye op die grondwetlike resultaat nie ontduik nie. Die rede is dat dié party nie daarin geslaag het om die oorhoofse beleidsdoelwit van 'n opvallende federale bedeling wat baie gedesentraliseerd is te realiseer nie. 'n Verdere bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon is hoe suksesvol partye tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms in Suid-Afrika bygedra het. In hierdie verband is 'n oorhoofse onderhandelingsingesteldheid met behulp van 'n raamwerk geïdentifiseer wat elke party met onderhandelinge gevolg het. 'n Party dra hiervolgens suksesvol tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms by deur 'n basiese balans te handhaaf tussen 'n samewerkende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur die onderhandelingsverhouding bevorder word) en 'n handhawende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur ondersteuners se belange bevorder word). Die ANC het ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet min of meer sodanige balans gehandhaaf ('n effens meer samewerkende as handhawende ingesteldheid), terwyl die klem van die Party na die verwesenliking van die belange van ondersteuners verskuif het ('n meestal handhawende ingesteldheid) met die onderhandeling van die 1996¬Grondwet. Die NP het ook ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet sodanige basiese balans gehandhaaf (effens meer handhawend as samewerkend), terwyl 'n ingesteldheid van meer samewerkend as handhawend ten opsigte van die daarstelling van die 1996-Grondwet openbaar is. Die IVP se onderhandelingstyl van vermyding, deurdat aan beide grondwetskrywende prosesse onttrek is, het beteken dat die Party nie 'n bewussyn openbaar het dat dit noodsaaklik is om ook toegewings te doen ten einde 'n wedersyds aanvaarbare oplossing te vind wat tot die vestiging van die demokrasie lei nie. ENGLISH: A negotiated transfer to democracy took place in South Africa from 1992 to 1996. In this period two constitutions were negotiated by the political parties concerned. The study shows, as a first contribution, that the South African example of the negotiated transfer supports the view in the literature that political parties can play an important role in the execution of tasks related to a transition, if they have the necessary capability. The main problem stated in the study is whether an analysis of the constitutional negotiation processes will show whether an inevitable relation exists between the realisation of the standpoints of a party in a constitution, and the political power of such a party. The standpoints of the three major parties compared with the negotiation results showed that there was indeed such a relation (between the realisation of the number of standpoints in a constitution and the political power of a party). The two major parties (the ANC and the NP) were in a relative balance of power with the negotiation of the 1993 Constitution, and a compromise was therefore reached between the NP's general policy goal of power sharing and the ANC's general policy goal of majority government. Core aspects of both these policy goals were realised. The ANC had the greater political power with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution and the negotiation result was therefore closer to the policy goal of majority government than to power sharing. The IFP withdrew from both negotiation processes, but did not escape the influence of the balance of power between the parties so doing, because the general policy goal (of a strongly federal, decentralised system) were not achieved. The study further shows to what extent parties contributed successfully to the democratic agreement in South Africa. In this regard, a negotiation disposition that each party followed in negotiations was identified by means of a framework. A party contributes successfully to the realisation of a democratic agreement by achieving a basic balance between a cooperative disposition (through which the negotiation agreement is promoted) and an assertive disposition (through which the interests of supporters are promoted). The ANC managed to achieve such a basic balance regarding the 1993 Constitution (a disposition of being slightly more cooperative than assertive was identified), while the focus shifted to the realisation of the interests of supporters (a mostly assertive disposition) with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution. The NP also achieved such a basic balance in regard to the 1993 Constitution (slightly more assertive than cooperative), while a disposition of more cooperative than assertive was shown in the realisation of the 1996 Constitution. The IFP's negotiation style of avoidance (in withdrawing from both constitution writing processes), meant that it did not reveal the consciousness that it is also necessary to make concessions in order to find a mutually acceptable solution that would lead to the establishment of democracy. / Thesis (PhD (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

`Organ of state' as a constitutional concept was first introduced by the 1993 Constitution, in which it was defined as including any statutory body or functionary. In their interpretation of this notion, the courts and academic writers invoked the tests developed at common law in order to determine its meaning. The commentators, on the one hand, used a variety of tests. The courts, on the other hand, subscribed to what has come to be known as the `control test'. The 1996 Constitution followed with a comprehensive definition of `organ of state'. This notion is also employed in other laws by direct reference or incorporation of the definition in section 239 with slight adjustments. Regrettably, the limited approach developed by the court in their interpretation of the notion of `organ of state' for the purposes of the 1993 Constitution has spilled over to the interpretation of the concept under the 1996 Constitution. The question is whether this is justifiable. The constitutional definition of `organ of state' makes it clear that other institutions and functionaries are organs of state on the basis of what they are and others by virtue of the functions they are engaged in. Therefore strict adherence to the control test or any other test could unjustifiably limit the application of the Constitution. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

`Organ of state' as a constitutional concept was first introduced by the 1993 Constitution, in which it was defined as including any statutory body or functionary. In their interpretation of this notion, the courts and academic writers invoked the tests developed at common law in order to determine its meaning. The commentators, on the one hand, used a variety of tests. The courts, on the other hand, subscribed to what has come to be known as the `control test'. The 1996 Constitution followed with a comprehensive definition of `organ of state'. This notion is also employed in other laws by direct reference or incorporation of the definition in section 239 with slight adjustments. Regrettably, the limited approach developed by the court in their interpretation of the notion of `organ of state' for the purposes of the 1993 Constitution has spilled over to the interpretation of the concept under the 1996 Constitution. The question is whether this is justifiable. The constitutional definition of `organ of state' makes it clear that other institutions and functionaries are organs of state on the basis of what they are and others by virtue of the functions they are engaged in. Therefore strict adherence to the control test or any other test could unjustifiably limit the application of the Constitution. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

No abstract available / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

This study evaluates the court's approach towards the interpretation of administrative justice with specific reference to Roman v Williams 1997(2) SACR 754(C). Section 33 of the Constitution Act 108 of 1996 guarantees the right to administration justice. The elements of this right are lawfulness, reasonableness and procedurally fairness. Our courts are bound constitutionally to promote, develop, advance and protect the fundamental rights. This study provides the most effective approach towards the development of the fundamental right in our democratic society where the Bill of Rights binds legislature, executive and judiciary. / Administrative Law / LL.M. (Administrative Law)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet. Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het. Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer. Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars. Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie. Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.

Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The advent of a constitutional democracy in South Africa after the first non-racial democratic elections in 1994 and the subsequent adoption of a final constitution in 1996 introduced a legal order based on "democratic values, social justice and fundamental rights". The inception of a constitutional democracy in South African encourages an assessment of the possible constitutional ramifications of pornography, specifically within a discourse on women's interests in equality, human dignity and physical integrity. Under the strong influence of United States First Amendment doctrine, pornography is defined (and protected in the "marketplace of ideas") as a particular mode of expression, thus allowing pornography to be viewed as part of the fabric of an open, free and democratic society. Within this doctrinal context, the recognition and entrenchment of freedom of expression have firmly placed pornography on both the South African constitutional and political agendas. The objective of this study is to address specific aspects of the debate on adult heterosexual pornography (that is, pornography produced for and targeted at the male heterosexual market) in order to establish its constitutionality. This dissertation is not, however, intended as a discourse on pornography as a possible threat to the moral fibre of society, but rather about pornography as an invasion ofwomen's particular constitutional interests in equality, human dignity as well as security in and control over their bodies. To this end, Chapter 2 serves to establish a suitable theoretical framework that is capable of facilitating a woman-centred analysis of adult heterosexual pornography within the ambit of the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution. Consequently, the merit ofliberal feminism and radical feminist thought is critically assessed against the particular (constitutional and doctrinal) demands presented by a study of this nature. Chapter three - the first in a trilogy which seeks to evaluate the different conceptualisations of pornography in the United States, Canada and South Africa - critically reflects on the obscenity jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of the United States of America as well as radical feminist campaigns in Minneapolis and Indianapolis to re-conceptualise pornography and its harm. Chapter 4 entails a critical reflection on the capacity of Canadian constitutional jurisprudence to address adult heterosexual pornography either as a patriarchal structure which impacts on women's interests in equality, dignity and physical integrity or as a mode of expression which incites gender hatred. Chapter 5 traces the history of South African censorship law as prelude to a critical discussion of the current Films and Publications Act as well as the first decision of the South African Constitutional Court on the possible human rights implications of sexually explicit material. The chapter concludes with proposals for a suitable conception of the (constitutional) harm as well as a legal definition of adult heterosexual pornography for South African law. The constitutional implications of the proposed conceptions of pornography and harm are evaluated in Chapter 6 with specific reference to sections 9, 10 and 12 as well as subsection 16(2)( c) of the South African Constitution. Chapter 7 concludes the present study with some thoughts on the suitability of censorship as legal and political strategy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die koms van 'n konstitusionele demokrasie in Suid-Afrika ná die eerste nie-rassige demokratiese verkiesings in 1994 en die daaropvolgende aanname van 'n finale grondwet in 1996 het' n regsorde wat op "demokratiese waardes, maatskaplike geregtigheid en basiese menseregte" gegrond is, ingelei. Die aanvang van 'n konstitusionele demokrasie in Suid-Afrika moedig inderwaarheid 'n evaluering van die moontlike grondwetlike gevolge van pornografie, spesifiek binne 'n diskoers oor vroue se belange in gelykheid, menswaardigheid en fisiese integriteit, aan. Onder die sterk invloed van die leerstelling van die Amerikaanse Eerste Amendement word pornografie gedefinieer (en beskerm binne die "markplein van idees") as 'n spesifieke vorm van uitdrukking wat gevolglik meebring dat pornografie noodwendig as deel van 'n oop, vrye en demokratiese gemeenskap beskou word. Binne hierdie dogmatiese konteks het die erkenning en . verskansing van vryheid van uitdrukking pornografie stewig op sowel die Suid-Afrikaanse grondwetlike as politieke agendas geplaas. Die oogmerk van hierdie studie is om spesifieke aspekte rondom die debat oor volwasse heteroseksuele pornografie (naamlik, pornografie geproduseer vir en gerig op die manlike heteroseksuele mark) aan te spreek ten einde die grondwetlikheid daarvan te bepaal. Hierdie proefskrif is egter nie bedoel as 'n diskoers oor pornografie as moontlike bedreiging vir die morele stoffasie van die gemeenskap nie, maar eerder oor pornografie as 'n 'n inbreukmaking op vroue se spesifieke grondwetlike belange in gelykheid, menswaardigheid asook sekerheid in en beheer oor hulle liggame. Gevolglik dien Hoofstuk 2 om 'n gepaste teoretiese raamwerk daar te stel wat oor die vermoë beskik om 'n vroue-gesentreerde analise van volwasse heteroseksuele pornografie binne die raamwerk van die Handves van Menseregte in die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet aan te help. Daarom word die meriete van die liberale feminisme en die radikale feministiese denke krities oorweeg teenoor die spesifieke (grondwetlike en dogmatiese) uitdagings wat deur 'n studie van hierdie aard gestel word. Hoofstuk 3 - die eerste in 'n trilogie wat ten doel het om die verskillende opvattings oor pornografie in die Verenigde State, Kanada en Suid-Afrika te ondersoek - bevat 'n kritiese oorweging van die Amerikaanse Hooggeregshofse beskouing van obseniteit asook die radikaal feministies-geïnspireerde veldtogte in Minneapolis en Indianapolis wat ten doel gehad het om pornografie en sy nadeel te herkonseptualiseer. Hoofstuk 4 behels 'n kritiese oorweging van die vermoë van die Kanadese grondwetlike reg om volwasse heteroseksuele pornografie Of as 'n patriargale struktuur wat 'n impak op vroue se belange in gelykheid, menswaardigheid en fisiese integriteit het Of as 'n vorm van uitdrukking wat geslagshaat aanwakker, aan te spreek. Hoofstuk 5 speur die geskiedenis van sensuur in Suid-Afrika na as inleiding tot 'n kritiese bespreking van die huidige Wet op Films en Publikasies asook die eerste beslissing van die Suid- Afrikaanse Grondwetlike Hof oor die menseregte-implikasies van seksueel eksplisiete materiaal. Die hoofstuk sluit afmet voorstelle vir 'n gepaste begrip van sowel die (grondwetlike)nadeel as 'n regsdefinisie van volwasse heteroseksuele pornografie vir die Suid-Afrikaanse reg. Die grondwetlike implikasies van die voorgestelde begrippe van pornografie en gepaardgaande nadeel word in Hoofstuk 6 opgeweeg met besondere verwysing na artikels 9, 10 en 12 asook subartikeI16(2)(c) van die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet. Hoofstuk 7 sluit die onderhawige studie af met enkele gedagtes oor sensuur as gepasde regs- en politiese strategie.

<p>In South Africa the practice of virginity testing is most prevalent in KwaZulu-Natal amongst the Zulu and Xhosa. Proponents of the practice claim that some of the benefits include the prevention of the spread of HIV/Aids as well as teenage pregnancy and the detection of children who are sexually abused by adults, amongst others. In South Africa most black males undergo an initiation when they are approximately 16 years old to mark the transition from boyhood to manhood. Male circumcision is also performed as a religious practice amongst the Jews and Muslims.</p> <p>A number of human rights groups in South Africa, including the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) as well as the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) has called for a total ban on the practice of virginity testing on the basis that it discriminates against girls, as the practice is carried out predominantly amongst teenage girls. The CGE and SAHRC are particularly concerned about the potential for human rights violations of virginity testing.</p> <p>The problem with traditional male circumcisions in South Africa is the number of fatalities resulting from botched circumcisions and the spreading of sexually transmitted diseases through unhygienic procedures and unqualified surgeons. Also of concern are other hardships often accompanied by traditional circumcisions such as starvation, frostbite, gangrene and infection amongst other health related injuries. Thus, according to human rights activists, when carried out in these circumstances, traditional male circumcisions have the potential to violate a number of rights aimed at protecting boys including the right to physical integrity and life, in cases of the death of an initiate.</p> <p>South Africa has also ratified a number of international treaties aimed at protecting children against harmful cultural practices such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). As such it has been argued by rights groups that virginity testing as well as male circumcisions carried out in the conditions set out above have the potential to violate a number of provisions contained in international instruments aimed at protecting the dignity of children.</p>