In this paper, the ¡§divided government¡¨ is defined as a situation in which the president and the parliament are controlled by different parties respectively. The formation of a ¡§divided government¡¨ depends on whether the president is able to control an absolutely majority of seats in the parliament through election or not. Some literature think that a divided government is easy to lead to policy gridlock or inefficiency and even causes stalemate in the legislative and executive branches. However, many scholars feel that a divided government may lead to policy gridlock or inefficiency, but it is in agreement with the principle of checks and balances in the constitutional system and is able to meet the expectation of majority voters. The eras of the Third and Fourth Republic in France had the same political situation as today¡¦s Taiwan, i.e., deadlock legislation, impeded policy implementation, unsteady political situation, and frequent changes of premiers. During the period of the Fifth Republic, the political situation became steady gradually after France went through three times of ¡§La Cohabitation¡¨ commencing from 1986. It formed a ¡§constitutional convention¡¨ and set a good model for constitutional governments in the world. The constitutional system of Taiwan has been similar to the ¡§semi-presidential system¡¨ of France during the era of the Fifth Republic since the constitution of the Republic of China was amended in 1997.However, in the opinion of Chen Shui-bian, he thought a president is elected by the people directly, and the prime premier may be nominated by the president directly without the consent of the President of Legislative Yuan, so the constitutional system of Taiwan should be ¡§presidential system¡¨ instead of the ¡§semi-presidential system.¡¨ Therefore, after Chen Shui-bian won the presidential election in 2000, he ignored the fact that Kuomingtan held a majority seats in the parliament, which constituted a ¡§divided government¡¨, and refused to hand over the right of forming a cabinet to Kuomingtan, the majority party in the parliamen, or endow the power to a majority alliance.Consequently, the regime changed from a ¡§government for all people¡¨ led by Chen Shui-bian and Tang Fei to a ¡§minority government¡¨ controlled by Chen Shui-bian and Su Chen-chang in the past 6 years. Till now, there have been five presidents of Executive Yuan changed.Owning to the long-term conflict and stalemate between the executive and legislative branches, the politics of Taiwan is in a state of chaos, leading to today¡¦s constitutional crisis. In view of the situations mentioned above, this article investigates into the system factors contributing to the formation of ¡§divided government¡¨ in Taiwan and the political operation and political influences of individual actors from the viewpoint of historical institutionalism. Also, the in-depth researches and studies were conducted to find out the reasons why the political situation of Taiwan became unsteady and the country fell into the constitutional crisis in the past 6 years after President Chen Shui-bian held the reins of government and discuss how to solve those problems. The author also compared and analyzed the ¡§minority government¡¨ of Taiwan, the alternating mechanism of the ¡§La Cohabitation¡¨ in France, and the formation of ¡§coalition cabinet¡¨ in order to draw lessons from their experiences and establish a good interaction among the president, the cabinet and the parliament.

Globalisation and the transfer of powers from state constitutional systems to international organisations (IOs) have led to several deficiencies, especially with regard to checks and balances in global governance. The need to inculcate the rule of law and constitutionalism in global governance has therefore gained currency in the 21st century. This has been exemplified by calls for the reform of the United Nations (UN) and the extensive reforms in regional IOs, such as the European Union (EU), with emphasis on institutional balance and the tempering of political power with institutional controls. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Jacqui Gallinetti Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIR - Jose Guilherme C Queiroz.pdf: 680337 bytes, checksum: 0b6931537adb71e1e1ba5755de5a1366 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-23 / The present monograph has as its motive the critical analysis of coexistence between consolidated clauses and democratic constitutional systems, verifying the evident paradox there is in the adoption done by the originary constituent Power, of provisions that disables changes before the democratic principle, which presupposes popular participation. We start this thesis with the study of the Constitution, verifying the reasons that motivate the presence of consolidated clauses in constitutional democratic systems, moving to the analysis of the constitutional immutability phenomena, brought by the current existence of intangibility clauses. In the same chapter, there is the approach of the relation between time and fundamental rights, leading to the analysis of the power which funds the State. The creation of the Constituent Power and of its structural bases, are then verified in order to the understanding of the inaugural activity of the States and generator of Constitutions. From this point on, it is possible with more resources, to analyze the existing relation between future generations and the first mark of State which will coexist inserted in this constitutional system) and the material limits. We, then, assess the topic related to democracy, tracking solid subsidies for an approach that allows the continuity of thought that guides the entire current dissertation. this way, this study evolves to the final analysis of the existing dilemma between consolidated clauses and democracy. Last of all, alternatives are presented for the guarantee of the protection of the Constitution, as well as for the flexibility of material limits of the Constitution / A presente monografia tem por móvel a análise crítica do convívio existente entre as cláusulas pétreas e os regimes constitucionais democráticos, verificando o claro paradoxo que há na adoção, feita pelo Poder constituinte originário, de dispositivos que impossibilitam a mudança diante do princípio democrático, o qual, por sua vez, pressupõe a participação popular. Iniciamos esta dissertação pelo estudo da Constituição, verificando os motivos que dão azo à presença das cláusulas pétreas nos sistemas constitucionais democráticos, passando, então, para a análise do fenômeno da imutabilidade constitucional, trazido pela presença das cláusulas de intangibilidade. No mesmo capítulo, ainda, é tratada a relação entre o tempo e os direitos fundamentais, passando, após, à análise do poder que funda o Estado. O surgimento do Poder Constituinte e suas bases estruturais, então, são verificados de modo a compreender-se a atividade inaugural dos Estados e criadora das Constituições. A partir deste ponto, é possível, com maior instrumental, analisar a relação existente entre as gerações futuras ao marco inicial do Estado (as quais conviverão inseridas neste sistema constitucional) e os limites materiais. Ingressamos, posteriormente, no tópico relativo à democracia, buscando, nesta trilha, subsídios sólidos para a continuidade do pensar que norteia toda a presente dissertação. Neste passo, desenvolve-se este estudo até a análise final do dilema existente entre as cláusulas pétreas e a democracia. Por fim, são apresentadas alternativas para a garantia de proteção da Constituição, bem como para a flexibilização dos limites materiais da Constituição

Systématiquement présente dans les discours depuis l’affirmation du positivisme juridique, la sanction est souvent confondue avec la contrainte et la violence étatique, ce qui a comme conséquence sa naturelle exclusion du domaine du droit public, et notamment constitutionnel. En tant qu’élément du discours doctrinal, et suivant une définition stipulative préalable, ce concept apparaît en revanche très utile pour comprendre l’affrontement des courants constitutionnalistes, à propos de la façon d’envisager la science du droit constitutionnel et son principal objet, la constitution. L’étude des usages du concept de sanction constitutionnelle par les discours doctrinaux permet de construire deux modèles de discours : un modèle exclusif et un modèle inclusif. Dans les deux discours, la sanction est un instrumentum, dont les enjeux sont très divers : le type exclusif de discours souhaite la décrire à travers la sanction, et le discours inclusif vise à la rendre efficace par-delà la sanction purement juridique. On peut ainsi considérer le modèle exclusif porté par la logique normativiste comme une conception limitée de la création des normes juridiques, tendant à faire sortir du domaine de l’analyse juridique tout élément considéré comme impure. À l’inverse, le discours inclusif reconnaît un pluralisme consensuel, où tous les destinataires participent à la création normative et sont pour cela davantage enclins à respecter les normes qu’en raison de la présence d’une sanction. Le discours inclusif sur la sanction constitutionnelle cherche à garantir les droits fondamentaux par des sanctions juridictionnelles, tout en maintenant l’importance du rôle de l’adhésion des individus, et en limitant le caractère consensuel du droit, du moins pour une partie des sujets : les gouvernants. / Consistently present in the legal discourse since the assertion of legal positivism, sanction is often confused with coercion and state violence, which resulted in his exclusion from the natural domain of public law, including Constitutional Law. As part of doctrinal discourse, according to a preliminary stipulative definition, this concept appears, however, very useful in order to understand the current constitutional debate, about how to approach constitutional science and its principal object, the constitution. The study of the uses of the concept of constitutional sanction by the doctrinal discourse can build two models of discourse: an exclusive model and an inclusive model. In both discourses, sanction is a instrumentum, but the stakes are very different, and yet still related to the prominence of a certain conception of the constitution and constitutional law; exclusive type of discourse tend to define the constitution as a norm through sanction, and inclusive discourse aims to make it effective beyond the purely legal sanction. The model worn by the exclusive normativist logic can be considered as a limited conception of the creation of legal norms, tending to exclude from the field of legal analysis any item considered impur. In contrast, the inclusive discourse recognizes a consensus pluralism, where all subjects are involved in creating norms and are more likely to obey to the constitution that due to the presence of a sanction. Inclusive discourse on constitutional sanction seeks to ensure fundamental rights by judicial sanctions, while maintaining the importance of the acceptance by individuals, and at the same time limiting the consensus of the law, at least for part of the subjects: the legislator in the broad sense.

Bc. Karel Höfer Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru KP IPS FSV UK Diplomová práce ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the topic of electoral engineering and electoral design in the Post- Yugoslav area. It can be classified within social sciences as a part of political science, specifically as a part of comparative political science and electoral studies. The subject of this thesis is electoral design and electoral engineering. Its cases are political and electoral systems in the Post-Yugoslav area up to 2012. The importance of this topic consists in the fact that it is not entirely explored topic. On that account it deserves attention from both empirical and theoretical perspective. The research of electoral design and electoral engineering is one of the most promising courses of contemporary political science. The Post-Yugoslav area offers an ideal environment for comparative political science in general and comparative approach due to its common historical and institutional grounds, but different political and institutional development after the disintegration. The primary objective of this work is the comparison of electoral design and electoral engineering in the Post-Yugoslav area. An important component of this work is also original and comprehensive theoretical framework for a...