This thesis examines the practice of normative contestation in the African Union (AU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Dissatisfied with existing liberal, realist, and rationalist accounts of normative change, the thesis develops a new theoretical approach involving competing 'norm circles,' actors committed to endorsing or enforcing a norm, whose perceived utility of a norm determines their stance. The model suggests that under conditions of contestation involving at least two norm circles, actors compete according to the terms of their domain, the regional organization. The differences involve actors' competencies in controlling the initiative, their mastery of other shared norms, and their ability to seek other opportunities of influence, termed 'metis.' Empirically, the thesis examines six case studies, three each from the AU and ASEAN, in which significant new norms testing member state sovereignty were proposed, after which the norms were either accepted, rejected, or qualified, according to how the contest unfolded. Each case reviews the historical origins of the norm and the proposal, followed by analysing how each norm circle used the factors mentioned above to seek approval for their proposals. It then assesses the relative importance of the factors, alternative explanations, and future implications for the norms in each case. In the AU, the three cases were the proposals for the United States of Africa, the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa, and the Pan-African Parliament. In ASEAN, the thesis examines the question of human rights in the ASEAN Charter, the attempt to formalize the 'ASEAN minus X' principle, also during the charter drafting, and the contestation over the creation of a regional human rights mechanism, which eventually became the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights.

Longtemps, l’histoire des universités françaises et des lycées s’est limitée à une histoire institutionnelle, celle des réformes, des politiques scolaires et universitaires. Mais depuis de nombreuses années, de nouvelles problématiques sont au cœur des réflexions. Ainsi, depuis Mai 68, on s’interroge sur les acteurs de la vie universitaire et scolaire, notamment les étudiants et les lycéens. En effet, avec les événements de mai et juin 1968, étudiants et les lycéens français ont pris une place de plus en plus importante sur la scène politique et sociale. Cette évolution est particulièrement remarquable à Clermont­‐Ferrand, où la jeunesse estudiantine et lycéenne se fait entendre à intervalles réguliers. Il existe effectivement dans la capitale auvergnate une tradition de lutte étudiante et lycéenne, qui trouve ses racines dans les événements survenus pendant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, à l’occasion du repli de l’université de Strasbourg à Clermont, ou encore dans les luttes étudiantes et lycéennes contre la guerre d’Algérie et la guerre du Vietnam. De cette tradition de lutte naît un paysage politique et syndical particulier dans les lycées et facultés de la ville. Des années 1960 aux années 1980, lycéens et étudiants clermontois sont particulièrement impliqués dans les combats politiques et dans les luttes sociales, qu’ils concernent directement ou non le monde scolaire et universitaire. Ils s’intègrent à un mouvement plus large, ce mouvement étudiant et lycéen, qui atteint son apogée dans les années 1960 et 1970.Le travail de recherche présenté entend s’interroger sur ces relations entre mouvement local et mouvement national : est­‐ce que les lycéens et les étudiants clermontois se distinguent du reste de la population étudiante et lycéenne ? Quels sont les grands sujets de mobilisation à Clermont­‐Ferrand entre 1968 et 1986 et sont-­‐ils en adéquation avec ceux de la jeunesse française ? Quelles sont les formes de mobilisation de la jeunesse étudiante et lycéenne clermontoise et différent‐elles de celles observables à l’échelle nationale ? C’est sur toutes ces questions que ce travail s’attarde, entendant montrer la place du mouvement étudiant et lycéen clermontois au sein du mouvement social local et français. / For a long time, the history of French universities and secondary schools has been restricted to an institutional history, the one of reforms, and university policies. But for many years, new issues have been at the centre of much thinking. Thus, since May 68, historians have been about the people involved in the university and school life, in particular students and secondary school students. Indeed, after the events of May and June 1968, French students and secondary school students have had an increasingly important role on the political and social scene. This evolution is all the more noteworthy in Clermont-Ferrand where young people at university and at school regularly make themselves heard. In fact, there is in the Auvergne regional capital a tradition of student and secondary school student struggle dating back to the events that occurred during the Second World War, when the university of Strasbourg withdrew in Clermont-Ferrand, or when students and secondary school students struggle against the war in Vietnam and in Algeria. From this struggle tradition, a special political and trade-union scene arises in the secondary schools and universities of the city. From the 1960s to the 1980s, secondary school students and students are particularly involved in political and social fights, whether they directly concern school and university or not. They are part of a larger movement that reaches its peak in the 1960s and 1970s. This research work is aimed at questioning the relationships between local and national movement : do Clermont-Ferrand 's secondary school students and students stand out from other French students ? What are the main causes and subjects of mobilization in Clermont-Ferrand from 1968 to 1986 ? Are they the same as other French young people or not ? This work is intended to show the role played by Clermont-Ferrand's secondary school students' and students' movement within a social local and national movement.

Au départ, l’art dramatique algérien, politisé, s’est orienté vers des thèmes appelant au soulèvement et à la lutte contre l’occupation coloniale. Qu’il s’agisse du théâtre d’expression dialectale, arabe littéraire ou française, le dénominateur commun a été l’engagement. Après l’indépendance cet art connaîtra un autre engagement : il contribuera, à sa façon, à la construction des institutions de l’État et de la société nouvelle. À partir de 1968, il sera traversé par des mouvements de contestation, malgré l’omnipotence de l’État et de la censure. [...] / Initially, the Algerian dramatic art was politicized, then moved towards themes calling for a revolt and fight against colonial occupation. Whether the dialectal expression theater, Arabic or French literary, the common denominator was the commitment. After independence, this art experience another commitment: it will contribute in its own way, to building the institutions of the state and of the new society. From 1968 it will be crossed by protest movements, despite the omnipotence of the state and censorship. [...]

Romans de l’écrivain américain contemporain, John Irving, The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany et A Widow for One Year proposent des univers fictionnels distincts mais dirigés par une question identique : le processus de création, qu'il soit identitaire ou littéraire. Construits autour de la représentation des relations entre les personnages et leur environnement, les trois récits accordent une importance particulière à la transgression, toujours envisagée comme un acte de rébellion mais prenant également une connotation positive lorsqu’elle est entendue comme étape primordiale de la création identitaire. Cette double acception ressurgit dès lors que l’on considère le narrateur ou les techniques narratives, eux aussi caractérisés par une alliance de respect et d’écart par rapport aux normes ou conventions. La combinaison des forces antagonistes identifiées à l’échelle de l’histoire et au niveau narratif produit des romans singuliers alliant tradition et modernité, gravité et ironie. En fin de compte, les romans poursuivent un même but : divertir et contester tout à la fois. / Written by contemporary American author John Irving, The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany and A Widow for One Year propose three different fictional worlds, shaped by a common question concerning the process of creation, both of the individual and of the literary work. In the relations between individuals and their environment represented in the narratives, transgression figures as an act of rebellion and as a vital step in the creation of identity. At the diegetic level, a tension between respect for and departure from fictional norms and conventions characterizes narrative voice and techniques. The association of antagonistic forces gives rise to singular novels that combine tradition and modernity, as well as seriousness and humor. Finally, Irving’s novels are shaped by a common aim: to entertain and to protest at the same time.

Romans de l'écrivain américain contemporain, John Irving, The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany et A Widow for One Year proposent des univers fictionnels distincts mais dirigés par une question identique : le processus de création, qu'il soit identitaire ou littéraire. Construits autour de la représentation des relations entre les personnages et leur environnement, les trois récits accordent une importance particulière à la transgression, toujours envisagée comme un acte de rébellion mais prenant également une connotation positive lorsqu'elle est entendue comme étape primordiale de la création identitaire. Cette double acception ressurgit dès lors que l'on considère le narrateur ou les techniques narratives, eux aussi caractérisés par une alliance de respect et d'écart par rapport aux normes ou conventions. La combinaison des forces antagonistes identifiées à l'échelle de l'histoire et au niveau narratif produit des romans singuliers alliant tradition et modernité, gravité et ironie. En fin de compte, les romans poursuivent un même but : divertir et contester tout à la fois.

The White Lady (WL) is a mobile fast food takeaway eatery. The WL has been trading in Auckland City’s central business district for almost fifty years. The WL opens in the early evening and remains open until the early morning hours. At closing, the WL is towed to a storage area where it remains until this process is repeated. This daily pattern has occurred since the WL opened in 1948. Because of its longevity, the WL, and many of its stakeholders have experienced ongoing change as Auckland City has grown, and competition within fast food has increased. Thus, for many stakeholders, the WL is representative of their lives, a mirror of their reality and life experiences. Obviously, these realities and experiences are different for different stakeholders. In this thesis, I examine the contested “White Lady” (WL): the perceptions and the social meanings that its stakeholder groups attribute to it. This thesis illuminates differences and similarities within stakeholder viewpoints and in doing so defines that pie carts like the WL are a valid part of New Zealand’s culinary and social cultures Ultimately, this thesis provides a platform of knowledge from which stakeholders and others can come to understand and know the differing and similar views that other stakeholder groups hold. With this in mind, this research ranges in scope from the examination of city administration to the symbolism associated with the (WL) by some of its stakeholders. Therefore, this research is founded within socio-historic constructs: the history of fast food and, the similarities that this history holds to today’s WL operation. The contextualisation of hospitality within “three domains” (Lashley, 2004, p.13) aids in defining the WL as well as recognising the competitive growth of New Zealand’s fast food industry. This research suggests that fast food growth and subsequent competition have had negative impacts upon many small fast food outlets including the WL. viii The growth of fast food has facilitated a “slow food” (Jones, Shears, Hiller Comfort and Lowell, 2003, p. 298) movement. This movement coupled with the hierarchy of food typologies, adds a Saussurian overlay and sociological discourse to this work. This overlay clarifies for the reader Bourdieu’s (1984) position that all food is reflective of class status. Within postmodernist constructs and the rise of the individual, (and the consequent opportunity to hear ‘voices from the margins’), movement within class and individuality within New Zealand’s wider culture has occurred. Social change therefore, has facilitated some of the issues within WL contestation. In highlighting Bourdieu’s (1984) concept, the “binary opposition” (Levi-Strauss, 1981, as cited in Adamenko, 2007, p.27) inherent within food hierarchies and, as often expressed within the media, is examined. This examination reveals that while the media inform, this information often contributes to the polarisation of opinion that facilitates the formation of contested viewpoints by WL stakeholders. It is against a backdrop of compliance need, the absence of an official street trading policy, the differing views of stakeholders, and the intensification of competition in fast food, coupled with a lacuna in the knowledge base of younger Auckland residents regarding the WL that this research finds its voice.

The White Lady (WL) is a mobile fast food takeaway eatery. The WL has been trading in Auckland City’s central business district for almost fifty years. The WL opens in the early evening and remains open until the early morning hours. At closing, the WL is towed to a storage area where it remains until this process is repeated. This daily pattern has occurred since the WL opened in 1948. Because of its longevity, the WL, and many of its stakeholders have experienced ongoing change as Auckland City has grown, and competition within fast food has increased. Thus, for many stakeholders, the WL is representative of their lives, a mirror of their reality and life experiences. Obviously, these realities and experiences are different for different stakeholders. In this thesis, I examine the contested “White Lady” (WL): the perceptions and the social meanings that its stakeholder groups attribute to it. This thesis illuminates differences and similarities within stakeholder viewpoints and in doing so defines that pie carts like the WL are a valid part of New Zealand’s culinary and social cultures Ultimately, this thesis provides a platform of knowledge from which stakeholders and others can come to understand and know the differing and similar views that other stakeholder groups hold. With this in mind, this research ranges in scope from the examination of city administration to the symbolism associated with the (WL) by some of its stakeholders. Therefore, this research is founded within socio-historic constructs: the history of fast food and, the similarities that this history holds to today’s WL operation. The contextualisation of hospitality within “three domains” (Lashley, 2004, p.13) aids in defining the WL as well as recognising the competitive growth of New Zealand’s fast food industry. This research suggests that fast food growth and subsequent competition have had negative impacts upon many small fast food outlets including the WL. viii The growth of fast food has facilitated a “slow food” (Jones, Shears, Hiller Comfort and Lowell, 2003, p. 298) movement. This movement coupled with the hierarchy of food typologies, adds a Saussurian overlay and sociological discourse to this work. This overlay clarifies for the reader Bourdieu’s (1984) position that all food is reflective of class status. Within postmodernist constructs and the rise of the individual, (and the consequent opportunity to hear ‘voices from the margins’), movement within class and individuality within New Zealand’s wider culture has occurred. Social change therefore, has facilitated some of the issues within WL contestation. In highlighting Bourdieu’s (1984) concept, the “binary opposition” (Levi-Strauss, 1981, as cited in Adamenko, 2007, p.27) inherent within food hierarchies and, as often expressed within the media, is examined. This examination reveals that while the media inform, this information often contributes to the polarisation of opinion that facilitates the formation of contested viewpoints by WL stakeholders. It is against a backdrop of compliance need, the absence of an official street trading policy, the differing views of stakeholders, and the intensification of competition in fast food, coupled with a lacuna in the knowledge base of younger Auckland residents regarding the WL that this research finds its voice.

The White Lady (WL) is a mobile fast food takeaway eatery. The WL has been trading in Auckland City’s central business district for almost fifty years. The WL opens in the early evening and remains open until the early morning hours. At closing, the WL is towed to a storage area where it remains until this process is repeated. This daily pattern has occurred since the WL opened in 1948. Because of its longevity, the WL, and many of its stakeholders have experienced ongoing change as Auckland City has grown, and competition within fast food has increased. Thus, for many stakeholders, the WL is representative of their lives, a mirror of their reality and life experiences. Obviously, these realities and experiences are different for different stakeholders. In this thesis, I examine the contested “White Lady” (WL): the perceptions and the social meanings that its stakeholder groups attribute to it. This thesis illuminates differences and similarities within stakeholder viewpoints and in doing so defines that pie carts like the WL are a valid part of New Zealand’s culinary and social cultures Ultimately, this thesis provides a platform of knowledge from which stakeholders and others can come to understand and know the differing and similar views that other stakeholder groups hold. With this in mind, this research ranges in scope from the examination of city administration to the symbolism associated with the (WL) by some of its stakeholders. Therefore, this research is founded within socio-historic constructs: the history of fast food and, the similarities that this history holds to today’s WL operation. The contextualisation of hospitality within “three domains” (Lashley, 2004, p.13) aids in defining the WL as well as recognising the competitive growth of New Zealand’s fast food industry. This research suggests that fast food growth and subsequent competition have had negative impacts upon many small fast food outlets including the WL. viii The growth of fast food has facilitated a “slow food” (Jones, Shears, Hiller Comfort and Lowell, 2003, p. 298) movement. This movement coupled with the hierarchy of food typologies, adds a Saussurian overlay and sociological discourse to this work. This overlay clarifies for the reader Bourdieu’s (1984) position that all food is reflective of class status. Within postmodernist constructs and the rise of the individual, (and the consequent opportunity to hear ‘voices from the margins’), movement within class and individuality within New Zealand’s wider culture has occurred. Social change therefore, has facilitated some of the issues within WL contestation. In highlighting Bourdieu’s (1984) concept, the “binary opposition” (Levi-Strauss, 1981, as cited in Adamenko, 2007, p.27) inherent within food hierarchies and, as often expressed within the media, is examined. This examination reveals that while the media inform, this information often contributes to the polarisation of opinion that facilitates the formation of contested viewpoints by WL stakeholders. It is against a backdrop of compliance need, the absence of an official street trading policy, the differing views of stakeholders, and the intensification of competition in fast food, coupled with a lacuna in the knowledge base of younger Auckland residents regarding the WL that this research finds its voice.

Thèse (M.A.)--Université Laval, 2009. / Bibliogr.: f. 81-99. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.

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