Cette thèse s'attache aux rapports au politique des artistes visuels yéménites dans un contexte de domination, recouvrant trois États (les deux républiques qui précédent l'unification du Yémen et la république actuelle créée en 1990, jusqu'en 2015). En étudiant la domination en acte à travers une démarche ethnographique, ce travail interroge les conditions de production et d'action des artistes en soutien ou en contestation au régime, comme au cours du moment révolutionnaire de 2011. On observe ainsi le processus de politisation des mondes de l'art au Yémen contemporain, processus compris en tant qu'acquisition d'une signification politique par la pratique artistique et par les réseaux de relations entretenus par les artistes visuels. Ces requalifications de leur travail ou de leur pratique se font dans un contexte traversé par des luttes concurrentielles pour la répartition du pouvoir internes et propres à leurs mondes d'activité, mais aussi externes et propres à l'espace politique institutionnel. La politisation des mondes de l'art apparaît dès lors moins comme un instrument d'accès à cet espace qu'une voie pour accéder à plus de visibilité, à la reconnaissance, et à un meilleur positionnement dans les rapports agonistiques qui configurent ces mondes. / This thesis focuses on the study of Yemeni visual artists' relation to politics in a context of domination, covering three States (the two republics that precede Yemen's unification and the current republic established in 1990, until 2015). Studying domination in action through an ethnographic approach, this work questions artists' conditions of production and of action in support to or in contestation of the regime- as in the case of the revolutionary period of 2011. The focus of this study is the politicization of art worlds in contemporary Yemen, a process understood as the acquisition of a political significance as observed in the artistic practice and in the dynamic networks that artists maintain. The requalification and reclassification of their work and their practice that results from the politicization of art worlds, takes place in a context of competitive struggles over distribution and access to sites of power. Such conflict over power occurs within their own worlds of activity as well as outside them and in relation to the domain of institutional politics. This thesis contends that the politicization of art worlds is more of a means to access visibility and recognition than a resource to participate in the political field. Through the politicization of art, artists are able to better position themselves within the agonistic relations that exist within art worlds.

Le mouvement des aarch en 2001, en Grande Kabylie, constitue le plus important mouvement sociopolitique algérien depuis l’Indépendance. Il s’insère dans l’opposition berbériste, qui naît et s’organise en avril 1980 sur les bases d’une contestation identitaire qui attaque les fondements de la nation algérienne, constituée autour de l’arabe et de l’Islam. Les aarch s’organisent autour d’une revivification des organisations tribales villageoises, et de leurs comités de gestion locaux afin de transformer les violences qui font suite aux nombreuses manifestations en revendication politique. L’ouverture économique aux standards néolibéraux mondiaux voit des revendications socio-Économiques et psycho-Sociales.Les aarch mobilisent sur des critères mémoriels en investissant la dite tribu d’une fonction mémorielle importante. La guerre de Libération nationale, acte fondateur de l’État nation algérien, est aussi contestée en proposant une écriture nouvelle de ce conflit colonial en redéfinissant les légitimités politiques qui en découlent. Acteurs et mémoires oubliées, censurées, ressurgissent sur la scène politique afin de légitimer un combat contemporain qui crée des filiations idéologiques avec la guerre d’Indépendance. Cette réécriture de l’histoire dépasse le cadre récent de l’histoire de l’Algérie indépendante en cherchant, et/ou créant, des sources anciennes d’une Kabylie qui existerait avant la nation indépendante. Pour cela, la ville de Tizi Ouzou, jusque-Là rejetée de l’imaginaire socio-Politique berbériste joue les protagonistes dans ce nouveau conflit. Travaillée dans son histoire, sa sociologie, la ville subsume les dynamiques à l’œuvre d’un renouveau berbériste. / The 2001 aarch movement in the Grande Kabylie region has been the most important Algerian sociopolitical movement since the independence. It is part of the Berberist opposition movement that started to organize itself in April 1980. Based on identity, Berberist dissent challenges the very foundations of an Algerian nation that developed with the Arabic language and Islam. The aarch organization focuses on the revitalization of village tribal structures, as well as local and town management councils, in order to convert the violence that followed many protests into political claims.With the economic opening to global neo-Liberal standards, Berberist contestation has come to involve socio-Economical and socio-Psychological demands.Besides, the aarch mobilization appeals to memory-Based criteria, assigning a crucial function for memory to the said tribe. The national Liberation War, founding act of the national Algerian State, is also disputed and a new narrative describing this colonial conflict is put forward. Forgotten or silenced memories and stakeholders surface in the political arena in order to legitimize a contemporary struggle, creating ideological, rhetorical and political filiation with the Independence war. This rewriting of history stretches beyond the limits of modern independent Algeria history, researching and/or creating ancient roots of a Kabylie that pre-Existed the independent nation. The city of Tizi Ouzou, until then rejected from Berberist socio-Political psyche, has become a protagonist of the new conflict for this very purpose. Its history and sociology being reshaped, the city subsumes the acting dynamics of a Berberist renewal.

This thesis answers the research question: What role do institutions play in the adoption and non-adoption of Information Systems (IS) innovations? In exploring this question, institutional theory is used to develop an interpretation of behaviour by Micro and Small Enterprises (MSE) related to the adoption and non-adoption of IS innovation within the Taxco Silver Handicraft Sector. The research categorised the emergent data into established Mexican institutions, which allowed for the analysis of institutionalised responses to the introduction of new social structures. There is a need to understand behaviour related to adopting IS innovations through the beliefs of local agents. Interpretivist literature was used to explore how the adoption of IS innovations is influenced by the local context. This research developed a theoretical framework that combines Scott’s (2008) three-pillars of institutions (regulative, normative and cultural-cognitive); with the Seo and Creed (2002) framework for exploring the institutionalisation of IS innovations. This theoretical framework allowed for the exploration of the contestation between institutional entrepreneurs (agents advocating the adoption of new social structures) and those resilient to institutional change. This research makes a number of key contributions to the field of study. The development of a new theoretical framework is designed to assist future researchers in exploring the institutionalisation process. The methodological contribution emerges from the demonstrating the value of ethnographic case studies within handicraft sectors in developing economies. The practical contribution of this research lies in increasing our understanding of how and why new social structures are developed.

Cette thèse porte sur les documentaires qui, en Espagne, se situent à mi-chemin entre l’engagement militant et le désengagement politique. Notre recherche s’est orientée vers des films minoritaires susceptibles de prendre le contrepied des représentations timides des problématiques sociales, autrement dit d’en proposer une lecture politique. Ces productions, en s’approchant au plus près du militantisme, interrogent le discours et l’action des pouvoirs en place (politiques et économiques) et en même temps donnent à voir des alternatives, qu’elles appartiennent à un passé lointain ou très récent. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), ces films, bien qu’ils partagent de nombreux points communs avec la critique sociale ne se concentrent pas sur des destins individuels, mais sur des projets collectifs. Par ailleurs, ils ne se contentent pas d’un constat, ils exercent une fonction de dénonciation. Leur but étant de transformer la conscience du spectateur, ils agissent. / This thesis is about documentaries which, in Spain, are in a half-way between militant commitment and political disengagement. Our research focused on minority movies likely to take the opposite view of the feeble representations of social problematics, and thus, to propose a political interpretation. These productions, by coming closer to militancy, question the speech and the action of in place authorities (political and economical) and, at the mean time, show alternatives that belong to a distant or very recent past. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), although these movies share a lot of things in common with social criticism, they do not focus on individual fates, but rather on collective projects. Moreover, beyond describing facts, they act as whistleblowers in order to modify the viewer’s consciousness.

The purpose of this thesis is to study the social construction of the legitimacy of the European Central Bank (ECB). This research addresses the research gap in literature on the legitimacy of the ECB. The research conceptualizes a constructivist concept of legitimacy as contestation that is shaped by norms and ideas. The theoretical framework is applied in a case study of the ECB’s policies during the European sovereign debt crisis. The textual data consists of statements by significant political actors in European economic governance. A qualitative content analysis is applied as a method of analysis. The main findings of the research are that the dominant legitimacy discourse during the European sovereign debt crisis was shaped by ordoliberal norms. Those norms were challenged, due to their moral commitments, by a communitarian democratic discourse. The thesis argues that the dominant legitimacy discourse establishes a wider framework of legitimacy for the EMU as a whole and does not only legitimate the policies of the ECB. In addition, the thesis contributes to the understanding of the role of norms and ideas as constitutive of legitimacy. In relation to the field of Global Politics, this study introduces a case of legitimacy in supranational global governance.

Activists contesting urban neoliberalism are traveling to participate in struggles beyond their place of residence. They are sharing, teaching and advising activists from other struggles. They are also promoters of specific imaginaries and strategies of contestation. I refer to this phenomenon as translocal urban activism, a type of brokerage that aims to draw global connections among local political movements and a global activist network. By the analysis of the translocal practices against gentrification of the Spanish art collective Left Hand Rotation in Latin America, I direct the discussion to identify the mechanisms whereby translocal urban activism shapes the geography of urban movements against gentrification, and to examine how translocal urban activism contributes to the reproduction of and resistance against neoliberal ideas, values, and practices. I argue that power geometries within translocal urban activists, tend to nurture the global activist network with dominant imaginaries and practices, eclipsing other alternatives.

Two obstructionist ways of doing politics on contentious wildlife management issues currently reflect a legitimacy deficit in official channels for public engagement. The first is that of a pernicious “direct-action” politics, in the form of resort by hunters in rural Sweden to illegal killings of protected wolves over whose policy they contest. The second obstruction is when environmental non-governmental organizations routinely file appeals in higher-level courtrooms contesting democratically mandated wolf cull decisions. Although markedly different when it comes to their categorically deliberative values as well as fidelity to the law, we argue both extra-legal and the litigative phenomena reflect disenfranchisement with the participation channels in which such controversies may be resolved through a public dialogue. We also argue that both possess negative systemic deliberative value inasmuch as they frustrate goals of reaching deliberative consensus, by contributing to a stalled public communication on wolf management. We address this deficit by appeal to recent developments in the theory and practice of mini-publics that promote both the categorical and systemic deliberative value of channeling contestation. In particular, we appeal to a novel conception of hunter-initiated, but citizen controlled, mini-publics as a vehicle for re-starting stalled public communication on wolf conservation.

This thesis examines the political economy of national ownership in situations of aid-dependent and oil-dependent, with particular reference to the case of the reconstruction of the healthcare system in Timor-Leste. The study demonstrates that, in a range of areas, the FRETILIN government (2002-2007) was able to exercise some autonomous decision-making even though it was heavily aid dependent. Conversely, under CNRT government (2007-2017), elites were empowered by oil resources and consequently they had greater control over development. The study identifies three main approaches used in development policy-making: patronage-based, populist and rationalist, and argues that, from 2002 onwards, the Timorese government generally used patronage-based strategies that benefitted elite political networks, increasing corruption. However, the creation of a ‘modern’ healthcare system that would benefit future Timorese generations was central to elites’ political ideology and consequently healthcare became subject to populist rather than patronage-based politics. Analysis of four key health programmes, funded separately by the World Bank, the Cuban government, WHO, and USAID, shows that ownership in the field of healthcare has become concentrated among powerful groups (donors, elites, MoH, and the Church). Meanwhile, health professionals, who advocate a liberal approach, lack a political voice. These case studies indicate that the Paris Declaration’s focus on country ownership to ensure better aid delivery was unrealistic because, in reality, ‘ownership’ becomes subject to contestation among powerful actors with different power resources. Findings on the analysis of the four programmes also suggest that Timorese elites did not worry much about healthcare, rather than it being ‘central’ to their ideology. / Directorate General of Resources for Science, Technology and Higher Education, Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education of Indonesia

Cette thèse porte sur le hip-hop haïtien comme espace d'expression des contestations, des révoltes et des identités collectives. Se réclamant de la sociologie compréhensive, cette étude s'appuie sur des approches interactionnistes (Goffman, 1973 ; Kaufmann, 2004, 2015) et décoloniales (Casimir, 2001 ; Célius, 2013; Barthélemy, 1989). Elle adopte un cadre d'analyse qui envisage l'identité comme le produit des interactions sociales. Ainsi, un regard sociohistorique est porté sur le discours des artistes qui pratiquent le hip-hop en Haïti. Pour aboutir aux différents résultats de l'enquête, une approche qualitative a été adoptée, mobilisant un corpus de 36 entretiens semi-dirigés et de 200 chansons hip-hop. Mobilisant à la fois l'analyse thématique et l'analyse critique du discours (ACD), l'enquête révèle que le vodou, le quartier populaire et le knowledge constituent des éléments structurants du hip-hop haïtien. L'analyse permet d'observer, en fonction de la vision et du niveau d'engagement, trois types de rappeurs qui pratiquent la contestation en Haïti : le conscient, l'engagé et le militant. Cette analyse met en valeur une vision riche et différentiée du hip-hop et de l'engagement dans le contexte haïtien. Pour sa part, l'analyse des chansons amène à observer trois types de discours contestataires : intransigeant, transigeant et nuancé. Les résultats conduisent à la conclusion que l'identité haïtienne, telle qu'elle est articulée dans le hip-hop, est en perpétuelle négociation et se révèle à travers les contestations exprimées par les rappeurs qui s'identifient aux afrodescendants. Les messages véhiculés dans les chansons traduisent un refus de se courber à l'universalisme occidental. Après des siècles de contact interculturel, les identités créole et bossale s'engagent dans une lutte perpétuelle pour leur pérennité. Cette dualité se répercute dans les rapports de pouvoir -- politiques, économiques et sociaux -- et alimente les dynamiques de contestation ainsi que les revendications sociales et politiques. L'analyse révèle que le hip- hop constitue un vecteur d'expression de l'identité haïtienne, façonnée par des relations sociales complexes, des inégalités structurelles et des tensions entre groupes sociaux hétérogènes. Le hip-hop articule la question identitaire en écho aux enjeux sociaux et économiques qui traversent la société haïtienne. Les rappeurs s'inspirent de la révolution de 1804 pour exprimer une identité haïtienne forte qui se construit dans l'opposition à l'Occident et aux élites nationales qui, selon eux, sont responsables de la pauvreté d'Haïti. / This thesis focuses on Haitian hip-hop as a space for the expression of protest, revolt and collective identity. Claiming to be a comprehensive sociology, this study draws on interactionist (Goffman, 1973; Kaufmann, 2004, 2015) and decolonial approaches (Casimir, 2001; Célius, 2013; Barthélemy, 1989). It adopts an analytical framework that views identity as the product of social interactions. Thus, a socio-historical look is taken at the discourse of artists who practice hip-hop in Haiti. To arrive at the various results of the survey, a qualitative approach was adopted, mobilizing a corpus of 36 semi-directed interviews and 200 hip-hop songs. Using both thematic analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA), the survey reveals that vodou, the working-class neighborhood and knowledge are structuring elements of Haitian hip-hop. Based on their vision and level of commitment, the analysis reveals three types of rappers practicing protest in Haiti: the conscious, the committed and the militant. This analysis highlights a rich and differentiated vision of hip-hop and engagement in the Haitian context. An analysis of the songs reveals three types of protest discourse: uncompromising, compromising and nuanced. The results lead to the conclusion that Haitian identity, as articulated in hip-hop, is in perpetual negotiation and is revealed through the contestations expressed by rappers who identify with Afrodescendants. The messages conveyed in their songs reflect a refusal to bow to Western universalism. After centuries of intercultural contact, Creole and Bossale identities are engaged in a perpetual struggle for survival. This duality is reflected in power relations - political, economic and social - and fuels the dynamics of contestation as well as social and political demands. Analysis reveals that hip-hop is a vehicle for expressing Haitian identity, shaped by complex social relations, structural inequalities and tensions between heterogeneous social groups. Hip-hop thus articulates the question of identity as an echo of the social and economic issues that run through Haitian society. Rappers draw inspiration from the revolution of 1804 to express a strong Haitian identity that is constructed in opposition to the West and the national elites who, in their view, are responsible for Haiti's poverty.

Les dénominations accolées aux contestations de la mondialisation des marchés sont nombreuses. Une appelation est parvenue avec le temps à s'imposer dans l'univers francophone: le mouvement altermondialiste. Plusieurs acceptions du terme sont toutefois problématiques par rapport à la diversité des contestataires. De cette situation émerge la question du type d'action collective que constitue ces contestations. Nous développons une définition analytique de mouvement social afin de déterminer si l'altermondialisme correspond à ce concept. Les différentes étapes de l'évolution du phénomène aux niveaux mondial et québécois sont questionnées afin de déterminer s'il y a présence de caractéristiques définissant les mouvements sociaux. Cet examen montre qu'il existe des difficultés à associer ces contestations à un mouvement social à l'extérieur de la période allant de 1999 à 2001. Une conceptualisation du mouvement altermondialiste en tant que processus de promotion d'une identité collective est avancée en conclusion.