I have written an experiential essay about my role as a preschool director and the important work decisions that I face. What is best for the child? That is something that I think is important to take into consideration. In the narrative, I describe how an induction occurs at my preschool. We use an "old" tried and true method which spans two to three weeks, which I believe is best for children under the age of two. They need to first connect with one educator who they are comfortable with before they are secure enough to play and explore the environment of the preschool. In recent years, another method has emerged which is shorter and which has quickly became popular in many preschools. Parents speak favorably of it. Is it because they do not have the time to spend on acclimatization before returning to work? Teachers are also positive, is it to avoid having parents that come and go for several weeks? This affects me and has made me feel pressured to reconsider my decision on which method we should use for acclimatization. The question is whether the short version really is the best seen from a child's perspective?

Using an empirical study of the Barundi refugee settlements of Ulyankulu, Mishamo, and particularly Katumba in Western Tanzania, this study argues that the causes and consequences of the African refugee problem must be examined outside the normative humanitarian framework. It postulates that the refugee problem can be understood only in the historical context of the integration of African communities into the capitalist system and their resultant underdevelopment. Furthermore, that the neo-colonial state, its class character, and ethnic divisions, aggravated by economic crisis, fosters a climate of repression - prompting forced migration. The unequal relationship between western capital and Tanzania is exemplified in the microcosm of the refugee phenomenon, where international/ regional policy, legislation, security considerations, and aid not only demobilize a potential political force, but usurp the authority of the national and local state. Donor/state/refugee relationships are further discussed in the context of the settlements. The schemes, located in remote areas and with tight restrictions on mobility, while providing a humanitarian solution, act as mechanisms for the control of the Barundi refugees. Utilization of their labour is intentionally part of Tanzania's development strategy. Settlement and integration are discussed in relation to the contribution of Barundi people to the development of commodity production in Tanzania both historically and with regard to their current potential. While dismissing the notion of an undifferentiated mass of refugees, this study reveals how donor activities and the objective material conditions of the rural areas contribute to commodity production and mercantilist activities with increasing inequalities. It concludes that large groups of refugees in rural areas will inevitably heighten local tensions, and that only through greater x political liberalization' - removal of restrictions on mobility and political representation, will Barundi refugees gain control of their lives, and Tanzania's long-standing goal of the liberation of African peoples be realized.

There is remarkable cooperative organization scarcity in the United States. Particularly in the credit union and worker cooperative sectors, this scarcity is not satisfactorily explained by neo-classical economic models that assume competitive conditions and profit-maximizing organizations. This paper supplements the conventional economic understandings of credit union and worker cooperative scarcity with an institutional analysis. Mechanisms of coercive, mimetic, and normative institutional isomorphism developed in DiMaggio and Powell’s theory of organizational isomorphism are applied to provide greater understanding of credit union and worker cooperative scarcity in the US. It appears that these forces of isomorphism work in conjunction with one another, as well as with competitive forces of isomorphism, to cyclically reproduce the scarcity of credit unions and worker cooperatives which prevails in the US.

"Setting the Standard" examines over one hundred years in the existence of a British Columbia coastal community: Sointula "place of harmony ". From its beginnings as a socialist utopia settled by Finnish immigrants, to its place in the 1960s as a seemingly typical fishing community, peopled by a diverse ethnic mix. this thesis traces the ideological changes of the island's inhabitants over a six decade period. In doing so, this work uses Sointula as a case study to see how an ideological base first forms in a community and then how that ideology forms a standard that influences all succeeding community developments. Through this case study, particular historical events in the province surrounding the mining, logging and fishing industries, as well as the co-operative, labour union, and socialist movements are examined.

The microfinance revolution of the 1980s acclaimed micro-credit as a tool that would improve the lives of economically active people trapped in poverty. The 2006 Nobel prize awarded to Mohammed Yunus and Grameen Bank confirmed for the industry’s advocates that microfinance was a panacea, and billions of dollars have been channeled to financial services for the poor. However, a series of high-profile scandals in 2010 shook development agencies’ faith in micro lending, and support has waned in light of evidence that microfinance alone cannot change structural inequalities and end poverty. I show that politics operate throughout the industry, reproducing inequalities within the process of micro lending. In my political ethnographic study of 460 people in three countries, I find that race and class politics is entrenched in all three countries, yet there are different outcomes related to attitudes of microfinance managers. In Jamaica and Guyana, micro lenders demonstrate that historically rooted racial and class biases go beyond gender to determine the allocation of micro loan resources. Ingrained biases interfere with the allocation of loans to the urban poor because discriminatory practices reinforce pre-existing social divisions. The Haiti case is hopeful: lenders, particularly the caisses populaires (credit unions), are made up of socially conscious people who recognize the country’s exclusionary politics. Managers and staff have class origins similar to the clients they serve and view micro loans as a tool to contest class and race-based oppressions. Haiti’s case suggests that collective systems such as those found in the caisses populaires and informal banks are effective because they relate to people’s history; and managers influenced by the masses, organize financial programs that are responsive to their clients and remain free from elite capture. This bottom-up approach in microfinance determines a greater level of social transformation for the urban poor.

Australia accepted a great responsibility in 1946, when it agreed to abide by the terms outlined in the United Nations Trusteeship Agreement and direct colonial policy in the Territory of New Guinea (after 1949 the Territory of Papua and New Guinea) toward the social, economic, and political development of the Territory’s indigenous population. Emulating British colonial development in East Africa and the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, it introduced cooperative societies to facilitate the growth of the indigenous cash economy and gradually established local government councils to regulate municipal affairs. The public servants primarily responsible for implementing colonial development policy in the field were the “outside men”—patrol officers (often referred to as ‘native affairs’ officers or kiaps) working for the Department of District Services and Native Affairs (1946-55) and its successors, the Department of Native Affairs (1956-63) and the Department of District Administration (1964-69). Representing the hard power of the state, patrol officers explored the country and used the threat of force to introduce and maintain British law. They also employed the soft power of enticement, promising development as an incentive for cooperation. Their soft power functions increased after the Pacific War, when they supervised (arguably dominated) cooperative societies and local government councils. In theory, colonial development promised amelioration and progress. In practice, it often exacted a heavy physical and psychological toll on Papua New Guineans, bringing disease, arbitrary violence, and humiliation. Local people adopted a number of strategies in response to white intrusion. Some acquiesced with the government and used compliance as a means of increasing their own position within the colonial culture. Others adopted an uncooperative attitude, neither resisting nor complying with the patrol officers. Colonial intrusion fractured pre-existing forms of self-management, leaving village people struggling to understand the radical changes of culture contact. Many supported alternative development associations—such as welfare societies, kampanis, and kivungs (often dismissed as ‘cargo cults’)—in opposition to state structures. Field officers attempted to direct economic and political development in the villages toward state controlled structures and often discouraged independent indigenous development. Although Australia promised to create opportunities for local people, enhanced indigenous participation implied greater indigenous independence. This threatened Australian control in strategically important Papua New Guinea. Careful to contain ‘cargo cult’ and communist activity, the Australian Administration attempted to maintain absolute control over indigenous political and economic development and regulate potentially subversive influences in the Territory. The conflicting role of patrol officers as both agents of control and agents of development reflected the contradiction in the Australian Trusteeship. Their policing functions created distrust in the villages and impeded positive relations with local people, who resented white authoritarianism and the demands of the Administration. Lack of trust made it difficult for the patrol officers to implement development policies. This thesis explores these contradictions in Australia’s trusteeship and the practice of colonial development in Papua New Guinea. It illustrates how Australia’s obsession with absolute control impeded the creation of appropriate and sustainable economic and political development in Papua New Guinea. Most studies of the kiap system concentrate on the early contact period, or the ‘first phase’ of colonial administration. This thesis adds to the literature by exploring how patrol officers and Papua New Guineans negotiated economic and political development during the ‘second phase’ of colonial development. It uses patrol reports written by field officers, documents generated by the Department of Territories and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), official correspondence, personal correspondence contained in archival collections, and contemporary newspaper reports to construct a social history of economic and political development in late-colonial Papua New Guinea. Uniquely, it reveals how Cold War political pressures constrained development related discourses in Papua New Guinea and how the security services used patrol officers and compliant Papua New Guineans to keep the Territory under surveillance. While development may have been a common goal for most people in post-war Territory of Papua and New Guinea (henceforth Papua New Guinea), its form was a matter of much negotiation and conflict, involving a number of competing indigenous and non-indigenous interests.

Lic.-avh. Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2007.

Thesis--Université de Poiters, 1968. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 224-228).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves xi-xviii).

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T13:33:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 999320 bytes, checksum: f9208ad50e982251ecf4d957eb2cba2e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-15 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / The federated model of cooperatives requires an appropriate way to structure the information flows. The Single Cooperative operates in the process of organizing production, while the Central Cooperative care of industrialization and management of the products, brands and markets. Thus, communication plays an essential role in the articulation of different levels of the organization to act jointly and not competing for resources or face directly, taking the competitive potential of vertical integration cooperative. In this context, the objective of the study is to analyze the communication in the agribusiness articulation between Itambé and its Singles Cooperatives. Methodologically the research is exploratory-descriptive using a case study, supported by the interview technique. Among the results, it was noticed that there are certain criticisms concerning the functioning of the current federated model of cooperatives, however, recognize the benefits and guarantees. With regard to communication with the producer in the Itambé is still young, with growth prospects and challenges as the work focuses on low-level channels of wealth. The face to face contact (channel rich) through technical, would be the best means of communication that allow information exchange and would need to be better optimized by the Central Cooperative. The communication in cooperatives is poorly developed. The data reveal that there hasn t been a priority of the administrations of cooperative investment in this area, or have already established the department. The channel usually used by them is the Organization's Membership, in which a better investment would facilitate the communication process in the agro-industrial system, thus promoting greater involvement between the three levels found in the federated model, eliminating the gap, promoting the socialization of members, the improvement of technical services, production and productivity of their members. Thus, we conclude that the survival of the federated model will depend on how this is done through joint communication to understand each process that occurs within the system, prioritizing the model of "communication with interaction" that enables better feedback of information, because in the cooperative structure allows a more participatory and dialogue among the participants in the process. / O modelo federado de cooperativas requer uma forma adequada de estruturar os fluxos de informação, uma vez que a Cooperativa Singular atua no processo de organização da produção, enquanto a Cooperativa Central cuida da industrialização e da gestão dos produtos, das marcas e dos mercados. Desse modo, a comunicação cumpre um papel essencial na articulação dos diferentes níveis da organização para que atue de forma articulada e não concorra por recursos ou se enfrentem diretamente, tirando a potencialidade competitiva da integração vertical cooperativa. Neste contexto, o objetivo do estudo é analisar a comunicação na articulação agroindustrial entre a Itambé e suas Cooperativas Singulares. Metodologicamente, a pesquisa é exploratório-descritiva utilizando-se de um estudo de caso, com o apoio da técnica de entrevista. Entre os resultados obtidos, percebeu-se que há certas críticas quanto ao funcionamento do atual modelo federado de cooperativas, porém, reconhecem as garantias e vantagens. A comunicação com o produtor na Itambé ainda é uma estratégia recente, com perspectivas de crescimento e desafios, pois foca os trabalhos em canais de baixo nível de riqueza. O contato face a face (canal rico), por meio dos técnicos, seria o meio de comunicação que melhor possibilitaria troca de informações e que precisaria ser mais bem otimizado pela Central. Já a comunicação nas Cooperativas Singulares é deficientemente desenvolvida. Os dados revelam que não tem sido prioridade das administrações das cooperativas o investimento nesta área ou já teriam instituído o departamento. O canal usualmente utilizado por parte delas é a Organização do Quadro Social, na qual um melhor investimento facilitaria o processo de comunicação no sistema agroindustrial, promovendo desta forma maior envolvimento entre os três níveis encontrados no modelo federado, eliminando o distanciamento, promovendo a socialização dos cooperados, a melhoria dos serviços de assistência técnica, de produção e produtividade dos cooperados. Assim, conclui-se que a sobrevivência deste modelo federado dependerá de como se faça essa articulação por meio da comunicação para se entender cada processo que ocorre no interior do sistema, priorizando o modelo de comunicação como interação que melhor permite a retroalimentação da informação, visto que a estrutura cooperativa permite uma relação mais participativa e dialógica entre os partícipes do processo.