Indonesia achieved remarkable growth during the first 25 years of its series of Five Year Development Plans, which started in 1968. However, growth has not been well distributed across the regions, in part this is as a result of the Indonesian government development policy of a growth centre approach which has benefited �Western Indonesia� (Kawasan Barat Indonesia, KBI) more than �Eastern Indonesia� (Kawasan Timur Indonesia, KTI). Prosperity needs to be spread across Indonesian regions and needs to be more equitably shared. The thesis argues that government needs to search for other ways to overcome the imbalance by accelerating KTI development, to reduce this region�s resentment, which may increase the risk of disintegration. The central aim of this research is to describe and critically evaluate the potential usefulness of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) as a means to address the regional imbalance in economic development. It aims to make a contribution by: 1. Describing in detail the ways government decision-makers see the situation, in other words giving the viewpoints of the state; 2. Providing detailed transcriptions of the interpretations and opinions expressed by powerful decision makers in the public and private sectors; 3. Demonstrating how the public, private and non-government sectors operate; 4. Making the realistic point that the links across these sectors leads to both positive and negative outcomes; including 5. Illustrating through examples how corruption spreads from the public to the other sectors. This study examines the contributing factors to regional imbalance in Indonesia between KBI and KTI by means of a case study of policy and management challenges in KTI. It examines the current strategy used for accelerating the economic development of KTI and considers whether a new strategy of Public Private Partnerships would have relevance and can be developed and implemented to accelerate the development. Current strategies especially formulated for accelerating KTI economic development include: (i) The Policy and Strategy of the Eastern Indonesia Development Council (ii) The Program of the Ministry for Acceleration of Eastern Indonesian Development; and (iii) The Integrated Economic Development Zone program However, one of the weaknesses of these policies is the lack of cooperation across government and the private sector. This study has found that the government strategies and policies have neither matched local needs nor the implementation of economic development. The study, based on both interviews and secondary data, demonstrates that the causes of the economic imbalance are systemic and multiple. They span not only government policies contributing to the imbalance directly and indirectly but also other factors, such as: (i) Systemic corruption across the public, private and non-government sectors; (ii) Lack of willingness to address the issues, lack of capital, lack of capable human resource and lack of infrastructure, lack of domestic and international market access, lack of communication and coordination and lack of cooperation. To overcome these problems, the Indonesian government together with business and the watchful eye of diverse civil society organizations need to change policies, systems, and visions for developing this region. Public Private Partnerships through a mutual partnership program could be one way of accelerating the development in KTI. On the one hand there are some direct and positive consequences of this new vision, for example, the private sector sharing their knowledge, skills, funds, management and enhanced utilisation of market mechanisms to support the government in the development process. On the other hand there are many limitations to the approach such as government often accepts greater risk than is warranted, dangers of corruption and cronyism which may attend more intensive in long-term relationship and contracted services resulted in corruption and secret business influence in government. According to Transparency International, Indonesia remains one of the most corrupt nations internationally. Unless strategies are put in place to address systemic and endemic corruption and Public Private Partnerships are well managed, then the model for Public Private Partnership will only serve to exacerbate the problem. Systemic corruption also effects trust amongst stakeholders, which needs to be hand-in-hand with strategies to address �demoralisation� for developing prosperity. Government is becoming more responsive to the private sector�s needs by providing a conducive environment for investment, entrepreneurship and innovation. Public Private Partnerships could be a means to balance power between public, non-government and private sectors if there is more capacity building to enhance the competency and responsibility of the players. No development solution can come about by working with only the public or the private or the community sectors or just non-government organizations. This study makes a strong case that the �solutions need to be found in Partnerships�. However, in exploring the complexity of the social capital of trust-based networks between people (but which also unfortunately exclude others) which are important for partnerships and, correspondingly, with partnerships being important for social capital, the researcher finds that there is no neat or simplistic partnership that can produce miraculous results. Some partnerships can be corrupt, some can lead to better life chances for local citizens, but the merits of each case need to be considered contextually. Widespread change is only likely when there is systemic change across governance arenas (public, private and non-government) and with consideration of social, cultural, political, economic and environmental factors. Instead of blaming development problems on insufficient participation or the lack of capacity of the ordinary people, the problems lie equally with the state, big business and non-government organizations. More effective managerial skills and efficient processes are needed in the governance of all these organizations while the role played by civil society is essential in making this governance accountable. Better partnerships can provide models that could inspire others to follow. Overall this study describes the complex problems created by poor policy making from above. The �gaze� (in the sense used by Foucault) is shifted from the �non-participating and incapable� citizens to the �ineffective and inefficient� powerful. Why are ordinary people so often studied to find answers to societal or systemic problems? The thesis argues that this is because they are easier to ask, more tolerant of the researcher, more resigned to answering a number of questions, or perhaps think it is easier to answer questioners in order to �get rid of them�. Instead this thesis probes the viewpoints of the powerful. Researcher who is interested in understanding how the state operates in Eastern Indonesia could �trawl through this material� in order to develop a greater understanding of the dynamics of power. To conclude, the researcher is first and foremost a practical person, who wishes to find solutions by creating the conditions for better partnership arrangements. Instead, she found that the decision makers are part of the problem. For transformation in governance to occur, stronger civil society cooperation through �communities of practice� is needed. This would be in the interests of all sectors of society if a regionally more balanced sustainable future is to be achieved.

"August, 2004" / Bibliography: leaves 198-208. / x, 208 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / This thesis consists of three major sudies which consider various strategies undertaken by special interest groups to shape and evade public policy. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2004

The Italian political crisis of 1992-94, often referred to as Tangentopoli, emerged after the revelation of endemic corruption throughout the political system. First and foremost the crisis saw the collapse of the main political parties, the Christian Democracy and the Socialist Party. In a different manner and only one year prior to this crisis, the former Communist Party, also underwent major changes and evolved into a social democratic party, the Democratic Party of the Left. Though this crisis was sparked by a corruption revelation, it became a catalyst for a change in the deformities of a political system, of the partitocracy, which was itself the product of Cold War conditions faced by Italy in the post-war period. The focus of this study has been to re-evaluate the causes of this crisis with particular attention to the role of the Cold War as the over-arching influence which directly and indirectly influenced many of the internal dynamics of the Italian political process. The hypothesis of this research was that the end of the Cold War in 1991 as a factor which provoked this political crisis, was far more important as a cause than has hitherto been acknowledged. The study examines the other indicated possible causes including the impact of the corruption revelations, the role of the magistrates in uncovering corruption, the economic crisis, the role of the new protest movement of the Lega Nord and finally the especially brutal equilibrium with Italian political forces re-established by the Mafia after 1992.

<p>The thesis consists of four papers, summarized as follows.</p><p>"Do attitudes towards immigrants matter?" analyses the consequences of negative attitudes towards immigrants to Sweden. If attitudes changed from the average level to the most positive level, the wage earned by a well educated immigrant from a non developed country would increase by 12%. This change in attitudes would increase the welfare of immigrants from Africa and Asia, through their wage and local amenities, by an equivalent to one third of their wage and the welfare of immigrants from South America and Eastern Europe by one fourth of their wage if they are well educated, and one tenth otherwise.</p><p>In "Who is hurt by discrimination?", the effects of discrimination of immigrants on the labour market are studied in a search and wage-bargaining setting, including a risk of losing skills during the experience of unemployment. The negative effects of discrimination in the form of higher unemployment and lower wages spread to all workers, immigrants and natives, in all sectors of the economy. An increase in the share of immigrants in the economy exacerbates the problem of discrimination.</p><p>In "Complementary controls of corruption", a theoretical model shows that when the judiciary and the media are more dependent and the elections less competitive, corruption flourishes. The three institutions are shown to be complementary. The empirical analysis indicates that the dependence of the judiciary and the media has a positive effect on perceived corruption and that the media is complementary with both the judiciary and the electoral system.</p><p>"Decision making in the ECB's Governing Council -- Should minutes and forecasts be published ?" analyses if the publication of forecasts and minutes of the meetings of the Governing Council could have a negative effect due to the influence of governments on their representatives' votes. The information provided is shown to reduce their influence and benefit the Executive Board.</p>

<p>A non-corrupt judiciary is a fundamental condition for the endorsement of rule of law and the ability to guarantee basic human rights in society. The judiciary must therefore be an independent and fair body that fights corruption, not the other way around. This essay systematizes different binding and non-binding international, and to some extent regional, norms and standards regarding corruption in the judiciary and judicial independence, and presents potential factors and effects of judicial corruption, through an inventory of documents recognized by organizations such as the United Nations and the Council of Europe. Further, the essay presents different anti-corruption strategies and the dilemma of implementing such strategies with regard to judicial independence. The advantages and disadvantages of different anti-corruption strategies are reviewed through the study of some successful and unsuccessful examples.</p><p>There are several definitions of corruption, this essay emanates from the definition of ‘abuse of office for personal or private gain’, a definition that is wide but yet well recognized. The factors of judicial corruption are many and often overlapping, but they vary from state to state and must hence be analyzed individually to find the factual reasons for what generates corruption. The effects are detrimental and break down the very core of rule of law and corrupt judges neglect fundamental principles such as equality, impartiality, propriety and integrity. With regard to the different factors and effects, the norms and standards, and the anti-corruption strategies, a discussion follows about how to rid the judiciary from corruption with preservation of the respect of judicial independence. The discussion also raises the predicament that malpractice of various fundamental principles e.g. judicial independence can occur and further distort unhealthy judiciaries. The main conclusion regarding anti-corruption strategies is that they must be carefully weighed against the principle of independence.</p>

<p>This paper is a comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese markets in terms of businesscorruption. This study is based on quantitative and qualitative case analysis and small surveysaccording to different criteria.The aim of this work is to find out the general feature of corruption and show main differencesand similarities on corruption practices in Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. Along with the comparative study this paper also presents general overview on corruption fromhistorical point of view. The results of the analysis show the main characteristics of the corruption phenomenon in China and Russia according to popularity of corruptive behavior, typology of bribes, reasons forcorruptive acts, impact from different local cultures, such as “Guanxi” and “Blat”, and also thestructure of enterprises. We believe that our work may be proved useful for further researches on this subject, and alsohelp business managers to avoid disadvantages caused by lack of knowledge on corruptionphenomenon when doing business in Russia and China.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-115).

What type of state has emerged in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, and what kind of theoretical framework must we develop to understand its behavior and performance? This study argues that the logic of political and bureaucratic organization follows that of an investment market in which public offices are purchased with the expectation of yielding a favorable return. This theory represents a novel perspective on the post-communist state which has hitherto either been premised on modernization theory or emphasized a robustly personalistic logic of political organization. There is a serial of linkages to this argument. First, the decisive factor for public employment is unofficial financial payments rather than merits or personal ties. The sums involved in the exchange are far greater than conventional “bribery.” The market for public offices, intimately connected from top to bottom in the state hierarchy, pertains to a much more unified system than the one found in the literature which treats political and administrative, high and low level corruption as distinct and unrelated forms. Second, individuals invest in public offices in order to convert the rights, assets and powers connected to officialdom into private capital. In this political economy, alternative markets for enrichment are subordinated to the state and poorly functioning. Third, the abundance of pecuniary corruption in Kyrgyzstan is standardized, entrenched and predictable norms of behavior in this type of state. The key to success on this market is the ability to control the supply of “public” goods and services in exchange for unofficial payments. Finally, the risk for systemic instability increases when more reasonably inclusive personal connections and money is no longer sufficient and access to the state for earning and investing is manipulated by narrow personalistic ties. This creates pressure for returning to a more competitive market as opposed to a monopolistic order.

The thesis consists of four papers, summarized as follows. "Do attitudes towards immigrants matter?" analyses the consequences of negative attitudes towards immigrants to Sweden. If attitudes changed from the average level to the most positive level, the wage earned by a well educated immigrant from a non developed country would increase by 12%. This change in attitudes would increase the welfare of immigrants from Africa and Asia, through their wage and local amenities, by an equivalent to one third of their wage and the welfare of immigrants from South America and Eastern Europe by one fourth of their wage if they are well educated, and one tenth otherwise. In "Who is hurt by discrimination?", the effects of discrimination of immigrants on the labour market are studied in a search and wage-bargaining setting, including a risk of losing skills during the experience of unemployment. The negative effects of discrimination in the form of higher unemployment and lower wages spread to all workers, immigrants and natives, in all sectors of the economy. An increase in the share of immigrants in the economy exacerbates the problem of discrimination. In "Complementary controls of corruption", a theoretical model shows that when the judiciary and the media are more dependent and the elections less competitive, corruption flourishes. The three institutions are shown to be complementary. The empirical analysis indicates that the dependence of the judiciary and the media has a positive effect on perceived corruption and that the media is complementary with both the judiciary and the electoral system. "Decision making in the ECB's Governing Council -- Should minutes and forecasts be published ?" analyses if the publication of forecasts and minutes of the meetings of the Governing Council could have a negative effect due to the influence of governments on their representatives' votes. The information provided is shown to reduce their influence and benefit the Executive Board.

This paper is a comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese markets in terms of businesscorruption. This study is based on quantitative and qualitative case analysis and small surveysaccording to different criteria.The aim of this work is to find out the general feature of corruption and show main differencesand similarities on corruption practices in Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. Along with the comparative study this paper also presents general overview on corruption fromhistorical point of view. The results of the analysis show the main characteristics of the corruption phenomenon in China and Russia according to popularity of corruptive behavior, typology of bribes, reasons forcorruptive acts, impact from different local cultures, such as “Guanxi” and “Blat”, and also thestructure of enterprises. We believe that our work may be proved useful for further researches on this subject, and alsohelp business managers to avoid disadvantages caused by lack of knowledge on corruptionphenomenon when doing business in Russia and China.