This paper is a comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese markets in terms of businesscorruption. This study is based on quantitative and qualitative case analysis and small surveysaccording to different criteria.The aim of this work is to find out the general feature of corruption and show main differencesand similarities on corruption practices in Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. Along with the comparative study this paper also presents general overview on corruption fromhistorical point of view. The results of the analysis show the main characteristics of the corruption phenomenon in China and Russia according to popularity of corruptive behavior, typology of bribes, reasons forcorruptive acts, impact from different local cultures, such as “Guanxi” and “Blat”, and also thestructure of enterprises. We believe that our work may be proved useful for further researches on this subject, and alsohelp business managers to avoid disadvantages caused by lack of knowledge on corruptionphenomenon when doing business in Russia and China.

This thesis analyzes the relationship between trade restrictiveness and corruption levels in Europe and tests the robustness of the results using two different measures of corruption; Corruption Perceptions Index constructed by Transparency International and World Governance Indicators; Control of Corruption constructed by the World Bank. The results show that the outcome differs among the two indices and that previous results found in studies may be subject to data choice and measurement errors. A majority of previous studies have used trade openness in the form of imports share in GDP, or trade openness indices as variables that explain corruption levels. This thesis focuses on trade restrictiveness. It also investigates the differences between restrictiveness and openness in their impacts on corruption. The author of this thesis finds a weak relation between trade restrictiveness and corruption on one hand and an even weaker relation between trade openness and corruption on the other hand when controlling for other variables that may have an impact on corruption. The limited time-frame could be an explanation for this result, i.e. trade policy effects. A longer time-frame would have probably resulted in a bigger difference between variables for trade openness and trade restrictiveness. It is found that the variables showing to have the largest impact on corruption levels in Europe are those associated with historical dimensions such as whether the country has had a tradition of the church being separated from the state or whether being a previously planned economy. Most importantly, the thesis presents suggestive evidence on the fact that not all government involvement increases corruption. Rather, it is regulations that limit internal competition have a large impact on corruption levels in Europe. It has also been found that not all government involvement in the economy implies higher corruption levels. The findings outlined are in line with the common perception that corruption is highly dependent on previous values of corruption and that radical policy interventions are needed to curb corruption.

This thesis focuses on the candidate selection method of the ruling party of Tanzania, Chama Cha Mapinduzi. The method was changed in 2008. Through interviews made with local politicians, state officials and voters in Babati an understanding of why and in what way the change was made is presented. The thesis also presents an understanding of in what way different stakeholders perceive this change. The changed candidate selection method is examined as part of Tanzania’s democratic consolidation. At the end of the thesis a discussion about obstacles and opportunities for a further democratic consolidation is presented.The thesis describes how the transformation of the candidate selection method is, by the party itself, presented as a way of widen democracy and fight corruption. While many of the informants believe that the transformation, at least to some extent, have contributed to increased democracy, most of them believe that the actual difference from the previous method is small, since the crucial decisions still are taken by the party elite. The informants' responses are describing a multi-party system with several major obstacles. They are also, however, describing how the situation slowly is changing for the better.

Corruption is widespread, and exists more or less in all countries in the world. It is today high on the international political agenda as a result of globalization and is seen as a serious impediment to development. In 2011, Sweden scored 9,3 out of 10 on the Transparency International corruption index which gave the country a 4th place of 182 on the list. This refers to a rather low corruption. Although Sweden is a country with low level of corruption that does not mean that it is completely corruption-free. During the last decade corruption scandals in Sweden has been revealed. At the national level is the bribe scandal with Systembolaget in 2004 where a total of 92 persons were prosecuted, by foremost the largest. On the municipal level is the bribe scandal in Gothenburg maybe the one freshest in mind. There is a reason to not completely dismiss corruption as an existing problem in Sweden. Often the measurements on corruption in Sweden are made at a national level. Therefore, this paper is made to complement national research with a study on the municipal level, to determine if there is a variation in the case of Sweden. The paper is based on the theory that a favorable temptation structure can serve as an explanation for the appearance of corruption. Potential underlying variables to the favorable temptation structure is also examined. A qualitative method is used in the study of corruption in municipalities in the form of a comparative case study. Two municipalities with corruption are examined and one without. A quantitative method is used in the study of the potential underlying variables to the temptation structure. Result show that corruption is a complex problem and that there is hard to find a general explanation to why corruption exists in municipalities.

<p>In this dissertation, I take a new approach to presidential scandal, which is frequently attributed to evidence of misbehavior. I argue instead that scandal is a socially constructed <italic>perception</italic> of misbehavior which opposition elites help create. I formalize this argument by developing a model of presidential scandal, which predicts that allegations of scandal by opposition legislators can influence the occurrence of scandal within some intermediate range of allegation scandalousness and credibility. I derive two comparative statics showing that the incidence of scandal should increase as the transaction costs of allegations decrease and as the critical mass of opposition legislators required to create a scandal decreases.</p><p>I then test the predictions of the model using monthly data from elite news reports for 1977–2006. I operationalized the critical mass comparative static using presidential approval among opposition party identifiers—a useful index of a polarized political climate. I find that the president is more vulnerable to the onset of scandal when his levels of opposition approval are relatively low. Conversely, when the president is relatively popular with opposition identifiers (during “honeymoons,” foreign policy crises, and wars), scandals occur much less frequently. In addition, scandals appear to have become more common over time, which could be the result of increased party polarization. Finally, I show that the underlying hazard of scandal was greater for second-term presidents than for first-term presidents. </p><p>Clearly, however, scandals vary widely in their size and significance. As such, I also create a dependent variable measuring the total quarterly volume of presidential scandal coverage in the <italic>Washington Post</italic>, which should capture the aggregate severity of scandals in a given time period. I show that lagged presidential approval among opposition identifiers is negatively associated with this measure. By contrast, more scandal coverage is published during presidents' second term in office and during election years. </p><p>Journalists and scholars frequently assert that divided government leads to a greater incidence of presidential scandal, but little systematic evidence exists to support these claims. An investigation reveals that divided government suffers from several important inferential problems, including a lack of comparable counterfactual data.. After addressing these issues, I estimate treatment effects for divided government and opposition control of Congress on both high-profile investigations of the president and scandal coverage, but none reach conventional levels of statistical significance. </p><p>Next, I explore the factors predicting when individual members of Congress will make scandal allegations against the president and the executive branch. Specifically, I test hypotheses developed from my formal model on a new dataset of scandal allegations against the president in the Congressional Record between 1985 and 2006. Results from multilevel event count models indicate that scandal allegations decline as state- and district-level presidential vote increases among members of the opposition party in both the House and the Senate. Members of the Senate are also more likely to make allegations as they gain seniority within the chamber. Finally, members who are up for re-election in the Senate make fewer allegations than those who are not.</p><p>Finally, I analyze the allegation data as a series of social networks. I present a new approach to analyze clustering in these data, which helps us to characterize patterns in allegations and member behavior. My analysis indicates that clustering among members—which suggests a convergence in scandal targets—is positively associated with increased scandal coverage at the Congress level. By contrast, I find that highly clustered allegations (i.e. those made by members who also made other allegations together) tend to receive less coverage than those that attract support from a broader coalition of members who would otherwise not be connected.</p> / Dissertation

Since 1995, the Transparency International (known as TI in brief) has assembled and set up the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) based on the findings of investigation into a variety of corrupt practices and promulgated the CPI simultaneously to the entire world every year. Today, CPI has been extensively adopted throughout the world as the index of social economy to deal with corruption. The International Institute for Management Development of Switzerland (known as IMD in brief), on the other hand, promulgates the national competitive edge assessment report every year. The assessment report has aroused critical concern from all key people concerned, both in and out of the government and has been taken as the guidepost for government performance. The disclosure of the aforementioned figures apparently suggests that the overall government performance signifies the spirit, construct, lifestyle, integrity and the performance of duty in combination. The ¡§Proposal to Enhance Decent Moral¡¨, if put into effect thoroughly, must upgrade and spruce up the government image in integrity and function as a catalyst to guide the entire society up to further enhancement. As a result, countries throughout the world have faithfully enforced the anti-corruption. The present study conducts analysis over such systems well performed in Singapore, Hong Kong, Japan and such countries take a comparison with the anti-corrupt organization in Taiwan and anti-corrupt laws and regulations concerned to find out the differences. I, the researcher of the present case, have served with the jurisdictional authority. In my capacity and my expertise in such backgrounds, I will probe into the roles and duties played and performed by the anti-corrupt functionaries through my in-house capacity. It is hoped that in the project of jurisdictional reform, we will be able to enhance the public confidence in the jurisdictional discipline and jurisdictional reliance. The findings so yielded from the study will function as handy reference to the anti-corrupt authorities and functionaries as well as the judicial reform. Among the six major national governance indices latest promulgated by the World Bank, the Republic of China on Taiwan was rated in significant improvement in democracy and freedom of speech. On the other hand, nevertheless, the government efficiency shows a phenomenon of standstill. Meanwhile, Taiwan shows backwardness in the aspects of rule of law, anti-corruption and political stability (Cf. China Times 2005). The findings yielded through the present study may be generalized into the following highlights:¡]I¡^ Taiwan government shows inadequate effort to publicize the ¡§anti-corruption and government official integrity¡¨¡]II¡^ The top barriers against the government efforts in anti-corruption are apparently ¡§insufficient resolve and boldness in the government. ¡]III¡^. The public lack in the trust on the judicial officers. ¡]IV¡^ Enhancement in education in promoting the judicial reform to eradicate bribery, lobbying and unsound social culture should be stepped up.¡]V¡^. The public definitely desires to set up the exclusive anti-corruption authorities as the short-term measures to bring up immediate results. In-short, in the efforts of ¡§government reform¡¨, integrity and efficiency represent the very fundamental demands in the eyes of public. Chang Chu-cheng, a renowned premier in the Ming Dynasty, once said: ¡§The trouble of a nation does not necessarily result from legislation. It results from inadequate enforcement of laws¡¨. The present study, therefore, yields the concrete proposal that the government should set up ¡§Integrity Agency¡¨ as the exclusive anti-corruption authority which is indispensable to eradicate corruption and boost national competitive edge. Key words: Department of government ethics, government ethics official , roles, performance in enforcement, corruption.

Now Taiwan is not only the country that facts the corruption threat. The greedy politician and never satisfied merchant unceasingly perform the scandal in the whole world. The national economy and the people¡¦s wealth are also injured. The topic of this research is how to choose the important variable from the corruption case. In recent years the Data Mining technique application in the behavioral analysis of shopping, customer relations management, crime investigation is in fashion; however the Data Mining technique application in politics and social domain is still not enough. In this research, we attempt to introduce the concepts and techniques of Data Mining and use Data Mining technique to set up a selective model for the consideration for the government in the corruption preventing. It attempts to explore the opportunity for the social sciences research.

The purpose of this thesis is to develop an understanding about internal fraud and corruption problem in Turkish construction industry. During the research, the reasons behind the internal fraud and corruption problem, types of internal fraud and prevention methods for internal fraud and corruption were investigated and various recommendations were developed. Moreover, fraud risk awareness questionnaire was implemented to understand the likelihood occurrence of internal fraud types in construction sector and proactive and reactive measures against these problems. Moreover, types of fraud incidences experienced by Turkish construction companies were also investigated with the questionnaire. The questionnaire reached to 89 respondents and, recommendations to prevent internal fraud and corruption problem were developed by detailed statistical analyses.

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<p>In this paper corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina’s possibilities of integrating with EU.</p><p>The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of corruption. After that these forms of corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process.</p><p>The results show that corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.</p>