This thesis examines the topic of memory in Guatemala in reference to the two Reports published in an effort to make the truth about the nation's decades-long war known.

This thesis examines the topic of memory in Guatemala in reference to the two Reports published in an effort to make the truth about the nation's decades-long war known.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different circumstances. This work is also about the value given to objects and the way in which the functions of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memories created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion. / Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av de som var tvungna att göra sig av med kmpromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Dat här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

My study examines how religion operates as a form of social control in the politics of memory and memory making in the case of the Arthur G. Dozier School for Boys (1900-2011), a state reform school in Marianna, Florida. Collective memory making is a dynamic process that reflects the social, economic, and political tensions of the present. It is a process most evident during circumstances of reconciliation following conflict, violence, or cases of turmoil resulting in death and in conflicting memories of the experience. Emergence of a dominant narrative about the tragedy or traumatizing event and subjugation of conflicting stories and memories often follows. At this intersection, memory becomes a weapon or reflection of power. Religion has been defined as operating as means of social control, particularly in the face of uncertainty, fear, and conflict. This study explores dynamics of power with respect to memorialization and ways in which religion informs the present and the past through processes of collective memory making. I also explore ways in which Christianity is employed as a means of bringing about reconciliation through public memory making and memorialization efforts as in the case of the Arthur G. Dozier School for Boys located in Marianna, Florida. In 2013, a team of anthropologists from the University of South Florida (USF) received approval from the State of Florida to investigate the location of missing children buried at Arthur G. Dozier School for Boys. This research, known as the Boot Hill Burial Ground Project, resulted in the excavation of 55 burials. The Boot Hill Burial Ground Project is integral to the memorialization efforts and processes at Dozier as multiple stakeholders utilize the findings of the project for the construction of collective and public memories. The purpose of this study is to analyze tensions involved in processes of memory making resulting from the discovery, excavation, and identification of bodies at the Boot Hill Burial Ground on the Dozier campus and ways power is expressed within this process.

Cette étude vise à mettre en évidence le caractère contradictoire et problématique de la mémoire collective américaine à travers l'évolution intergénérationnelle de différentes ethnies. Avec l'exploration de l'Histoire commune des Américains, qui transcende la barrière raciale, sera étudié l'idéal du melting-pot dans ses projets et ses effets.D'ores et déjà, il apparaît qu'une partie des Américains porte aujourd'hui encore les stigmates de l'esclavage. des violences raciales, des injustices du passé. Les événements de la vie sociale révèlent, bien souvent, que les victimes des atrocités d'hier ne sont pas parvenues à faire leur deuil, puisque les Afro-Américains et les Amérindiens sont encore trop souvent rattrapés par ces drames. L'analyse des effets de la transmission psychique intergénérationnelle de cette population meurtrie, fait ressurgir le spectre d'une communauté noire se percevant à la fois comme victime et comme coupable jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Les tabous qui entourent l'historiographie des États-Unis témoignent du poids de la contre-mémoire. parce que les identités culturelles et linguistiques des minorités leur ont été longtemps déniées. De la même façon. le fait qu'un quart d'Américains blancs descende d'ancêtres asservis a longtemps plongé la société américaine dans une situation de souffrance psychique et de conflits dont la source était occultée. Le thème de notre étude crée le lien entre les méfaits et le refoulement issu des circonstances historiques défavorables à certains groupes ethniques avec la face cachée d'une Amérique soumise aux résurgences des démons de son passé. Loin de parvenir à l'idéal d'une société post-raciale tant rêvée, les États-Unis continuent de s'exposer sans cesse (aux souffrances du passé à travers la projection haineuse et douloureuse du racisme, en dépit du progrès multiracial et multiculturel que veut promouvoir l'image officielle. / This study aims to highlight the contradictory and problematic features of U.S. collective memory, across the generational evolution of the different ethnies. First and foremost, the present study ponders about the viability of American shared History transcending the racial bulwark, as well as the melting-pot ideal. Nowadays, a part of the American citizens bears the scars of slavery, of racial violence, and of the past injustices. The victims of such crimes have failed to mourn for them away, since those tragedies still catch up African-Americans and Native~Americans. By annlyzing the effects of intergenerational and psychic transmission within the upset Black community, it is obvious that we aIso enlighten the way the laltter entertains the feeling of being both a victim and a culprit. Finally. the silence surrounding the United States' historiography shows the signiticant part of a counter-memory, inasmuch as the cultural and linguistic identical labels of those minorities have been gradually denieed. lt thus transpires that a quarter of white Americans descend from enslaved ancestors, which has long turned into psychic pains and lasting conflicts. This dissertal'ion therefore establishes the link between the plight sufferecl by some ethnic groups and the hidden side of America wrestling with the ghosts of her history. Far from reaching a post-racial society. the USA keep on facing again their past days' hardship and sufferings through the hateful scope of racism, despite the multiracial and multicultural policy boasted by the country's official image.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different cicumstances. This work is also about the values given to objects and the way in which the function of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memory created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion. / Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av dem som var tvungna att göra sig av med kompromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Det här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

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Contemporary Italian philosopher, Gianni Vattimo (1991), has described ‘the end of history’ as a motif of our times. While neo-liberal conservatives such as Francis Fukuyama (1992) celebrated triumphantly, and perhaps rather prematurely after the fall of the Berlin Wall, ‘the end of history’ in the ‘inevitable’ global acceptance of the ideologies of free market capitalism and liberal democracy, methodological postmodernists (including Barthes, Derrida, Baudrillard, Lyotard, and Foucault), mobilised ‘the end of history’ throughout the later half of the twentieth century as a symbol of a crisis of confidence in the discourse of modernity, and its realist epistemologies. This loss of faith in the adequacy of representation has been seen by many positivist and empiricist historians as a threat to the discipline of history, with its desire to recover and reconstruct ����the truth���� of the past. It is argued by defenders of ‘traditional’ history (from Appleby, Hunt, & Jacob, 1994; R. J. Evans, 1997; Marwick, 2001; and Windschuttle, 1996; to Zagorin, 1999), and some postmodernists (most notably, Jenkins, 1999), that if we accept postmodern social theory, historical research and writing will become untenable. This study re-examines the nature of the alleged ‘threat’ to history posed by postmodernism, and explores the implications of postmodern social theory for History as curriculum. Situated within a broadly-conceived critical-reconceptualist trend in curriculum inquiry, and deploying a form of historically and philosophically oriented ‘deconstructive hermeneutics’, the study explores past attempts to mount, and future possibilities for, a curricular response to the problem of historical representation. The analysis begins with an investigation of ‘end of history’ discourse in contemporary theory. It then proceeds through a critical exploration of the social meliorist changes to, and cultural politics surrounding, the History curriculum in New South Wales (NSW), Australia, from the Bicentennial to the Millennium (1988-2000), a period that marked curriculum as a site of contestation in a series of highly public ‘history wars’ over representations of the nation’s past (Macintyre & Clark, 2003). It concludes with a discussion of the missed opportunities for ‘critical practice’ within the NSW History curriculum. Synthesising insights into the ‘nature of history’ derived from contemporary academic debate, it is argued that what has remained uncontested in the struggle for ‘critical histories’ during the period under study, are the representational practices of history itself. The study closes with an assessment of the (im)possibility of History curriculum after ‘the end of history’. I argue that if History curriculum is to be a critical/transformative enterprise, then it must attend to the problem of historical representation. / PhD Doctorate