A thesis presented on the political history of Fiji from cession to Britain in 1874 compares and analyses the country’s four political coups. A military coup occurred in 1987 by Lt. Col Sitiveni Rabuka. Six months later he staged a self-coup. In 2000 George Speight staged an armed civilian coup or putsch, and in 2006 Commodore Frank Bainimarama, head of Fiji’s military forces, overthrew the government of Laisenia Qarase. This paper is an internal comparison of the four coups of which the aim is to examine why coups occur in Fiji. The conclusion is that the level of influence of the country’s traditional paramount chiefs is a strong causal factor in events leading to the political overthrows. Issues such as ethnicity, constitutionalism, democracy, traditionalism, and modernity make the study of the Fiji coups complex. All of the major actors involved have been present or have been somehow linked to each coup. Questions of leadership arise as do issues regarding pluralism and multiculturalism. These issues are discussed in this paper. The end result is that if the question of traditional leadership is not addressed within a democratic framework then Fiji will continue to have coups.

名古屋大学博士学位論文 学位の種類:博士（医療技術学） (課程) 学位授与年月日　平成22年3月25日

Le coup de chaleur est une pathologie grave sans thérapeutique spécifique. Les animaux en coup de chaleur souffrent d'une inflammation accompagnée d'un déséquilibre métabolique en dépit de l'induction de « heat shock proteins » (Hsp70) et de la sécrétion de glucocorticoïdes. Le rôle relatif des ARNm Hsp70 et des glucocorticoïdes dans la tolérance à la chaleur est analysé. Les animaux vigiles intolérants à la chaleur présentent : une hyperthermie et une déshydratation sévères, un déséquilibre métabolique, une moindre sécrétion de glucocorticoïdes, des signes d'hyperactivation et d'agression cellulaires ainsi qu'une activation des processus inflammatoires. L'expression des ARNm Hsp70 est dépendante de l'intensité de l'agression et apparaît comme un mécanisme suiveur. Les glucocorticoïdes sont impliqués dans la tolérance en réduisant le développement des processus inflammatoires locaux et en favorisant l'expression des ARNm du facteur inhibiteur κBα (IκBα).

Thèse d'exercice : Médecine. Médecine générale : Paris 12 : 2006. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. f. 45-46.

The ability of a neuron to alter its synaptic connections during development is essential to circuit assembly. Synapse remodeling or refinement has been observed in many species and many neuronal circuits, yet the mechanisms defining which neurons undergo remodeling are unclear. Moreover, the molecules that execute the process of remodeling are also obscure. To address this issue, we sought to identify targets of the transcription factor unc-55 COUP-TF, which acts as a cell-specific repressor of synapse remodeling in C. elegans. unc-55 COUP-TF is expressed in VD neurons, where it prevents synapse remodeling. DD neurons can remodel synapses because they do not express unc-55 COUP-TF. Ectopic expression of unc-55 COUP-TF in DD neurons prevents remodeling. We identified the transcription factor Hunchback-like hbl-1 as a target of UNC-55 COUP-TF repression. Differential expression of hbl-1 explains the cell-type specificity of remodeling. hbl-1 is expressed in the DD neurons that are capable of remodeling, and is not expressed in the VD neurons that do not remodel. In unc-55 mutants, hbl-1 expression increases in VD neurons where it promotes ectopic remodeling. Moreover, hbl-1 expression levels bidirectionally regulate the timing of DD remodeling, as increases in hbl-1 cause precocious remodeling while decreases in hbl-1 cause remodeling delays. Finally, hbl-1 coordinates heterochronic microRNA and neuronal activity pathways to regulate the timing of remodeling. Increases or decreases in circuit activity cause increases or decreases in hbl-1 expression, and consequently early or delayed remodeling. Thus, convergent regulation of hbl-1 expression defines a genetic mechanism that patterns activity-dependent synaptic remodeling across cell types and across developmental time. We identified other targets of UNC-55 COUP-TF regulation using gene expression profiling, and implicate some of these factors in the regulation of remodeling using functional genomic screens. Our work suggests roles for conserved networks of transcription factors in the regulation of remodeling. We propose a model in which hbl-1 and other targets of unc-55 COUP-TF transcriptional repression are responsible for regulating synapse remodeling in C. elegans.

My dissertation focuses on the impact of oil trade ties and network on political instability: democratization, civil war onset, and coups. Oil is an important resource to most states, while a few states, especially autocratic states, can produce and export it. This implies that the break of oil trade ties may strategically or economically damage oil-importing states more than oil-exporting states. In the three essays of my dissertation, I argue that oil trade ties allow oil-exporting states to resist to external pressures and encourage oil-importing states to support important oil exporters in order to avoid losing access to a much-needed commodity. In order to measure the effect of oil trade ties on three political instability problems, I employ centrality indices in weighted networks of network analysis. Based on the centrality indices, I measure the effect of oil-importing states on oil-exporters’ abilities to resist international pressures and to obtain external support, and examine how an oil-exporting state’s oil trade ties affect its three political instability phenomena: democratization, civil war onset, and coup risk. Empirical results reveal three ways in which an oil-exporting state’s oil trade ties might affect its political instability; an autocratic oil-exporting state’s oil trade ties reduce external democratizing pressures and hinder democratization; an oil-exporting state’s oil trade ties attract external prewar support for its government, and reduce the likelihood of civil war onset when the exporter experiences external prewar support for its government; an oil-exporting state’s oil trade ties reduce the likelihood of coup.

No description available.

O Coup¬TF, αποτελεί ορφανό μέλος της υπεροικογένειας των υποδοχέων των στεροειδών/θυρεοειδών ορμονών και κατέχει κυρίαρχο ρόλο στην ανάπτυξη των εμβρύων όλων των μεταζώων. Στην παρούσα Διατριβή μελετήθηκε η cis¬ ρυθμιστική περιοχή του γονιδίου του, με σκοπό την ένταξή του στο γονιδιακό ρυθμιστικό δίκτυο του εμβρύου του αχινού. Με πειράματα in situ υβριδοποίησης βρέθηκε ότι το γονίδιο PlCoup¬TF εκφράζεται στο στοματικό εξώδερμα του γαστριδίου και στη βλεφαριδωτή ζώνη στον πλουτέα, στο είδος Paracentrotus lividus. Από παλαιότερα πειράματα είχε βρεθεί ότι το τμήμα της ανοδικής περιοχής που εκτείνεται από το -232 ως το ¬532 (τμήμα a), είναι απαραίτητο και επαρκές για την έκφραση του γονιδίου αναφοράς (gfp) στη βλεφαριδωτή ζώνη του πλουτέα. Εντός της περιοχής a ανευρέθησαν τρία πιθανά ρυθμιστικά στοιχεία (¬ 453, ¬432 και ¬377) του γονιδίου PlCoup¬TF, τα οποία αναγνωρίζονται από πρωτεΐνες εμβρυικού πυρηνικού εκχυλίσματος. Στοχευμένες μεταλλάξεις των στοιχείων αυτών, οδήγησαν σε μείωση της έκφρασης του γονιδίου αναφοράς (στοιχείο ¬453) και στην εκτοπική έκφρασή του (στοιχεία ¬432 και ¬377). Περαιτέρω μελέτη των παραγόντων που αναγνωρίζουν τα στοιχεία αυτά, οδήγησε στο συμπέρασμα ότι ο μεταγραφικός παράγοντας PlElk αναγνωρίζει το στοιχείο ¬ 453 και ρυθμίζει θετικά το γονιδίο του PlCoup¬TF και ο μεταγραφικός παράγοντας PlOtx αναγνωρίζει το στοιχείο -377 και καταστέλλει την έκφραση του PlCoup¬TF στο αντιστοματικό εξώδερμα. Τα αποτελέσματα της παρούσης εργασίας οδήγησαν στην ένταξη του γονιδίου PlCoup¬TF και των δύο ρυθμιστών του στο γονιδιακό ρυθμιστικό δίκτυο που καθορίζει τη διαφοροποίηση της βλεφαριδωτής ζώνης εντός του εμβρυικού εξωδέρματος. / Coup­TF, an orphan member of the nuclear receptor super family, has a fundamental role in the development of metazoan embryos. The study of the gene's regulatory circuit in the sea urchin embryo will facilitate the placement of this transcription factor in the well­studied embryonic Gene Regulatory Network (GRN). The Paracentrotus lividus Coup­TF gene (PlCoup­TF) is expressed throughout embryonic development preferentially in the oral ectoderm of the gastrula and the ciliary band of the pluteus stage. Two overlapping λ genomic clones, containing three exons and upstream sequences of PlCoup­TF, were isolated from a genomic library. The transcription initiation site was determined and 5′ deletions and individual segments of a 1930 bp upstream region were placed ahead of a GFP reporter cassette and injected into fertilized P.lividus eggs. Module a (−532 to −232), was necessary and sufficient to confer ciliary band expression to the reporter. Comparison of P.lividus and Strongylocentrotus purpuratusupstream Coup­TF sequences, revealed considerable conservation, but none within module a. 5′ and internal deletions into module a, defined a smaller region that confers ciliary band specific expression. Putative regulatory cis­acting elements (RE1, RE2 and RE3) within module a, were specifically bound by proteins in sea urchin embryonic nuclear extracts. Site­specific mutagenesis of these elements resulted in loss of reporter activity (RE1) or ectopic expression (RE2, RE3). It is proposed that sea urchin transcription factors, which bind these three regulatory sites, are necessary for spatial and quantitative regulation of the PlCoup­TF gene at pluteus stage sea urchin embryos. Additional experiments led us to the conclusion that transcription factor PlElk binds to the ­453 regulatory element and positively regulates PlCoup­TF gene in the ciliary band. Furthermore, PlOtx binds to the ­377 regulatory element and negatively regulates PlCoup­TF gene in the aboral ectoderm. These findings lead to the hierarchical positioning of PlCoup­TF within the embryonic GRN

The central argument in the thesis is that lack of professionalism within the military establishment was the leading factor for coups in the politics of Lesotho. Other sources of military involvement in the politics of Lesotho include the following: Firstly, the rivalries for power within the military establishment and between the military and the ruling government. Secondly, the desire of the military to transform the country from political and economic decay by the civilian government and the leadership of the military. Thirdly, the involvement of foreign states and organizations such as the Republic of South Africa (R. S. A), Zimbabwe, Botswana, countries of the Eastern bloc, Nigeria, India, China, the United States of America (U. S. A) the Southern African Development Community (S. A D. C.), the United Nations Development Programme (U. N. D. P.) and the Commonwealth in the internal affairs of the country thus preventing or motivating coups in Lesotho. Finally, the failure of the civilian governments to demobilize the civil society at large and the military which were war-oriented during the Basotho National Party (B. N. P.) and military dictatorships respectively (1970-1986 and 1986-1993). Although the struggle for power among the political elites in Lesotho dates as far back as the country's independence in 1966, the military was never affected by these politics until its indoctrination into politics by the BNP government after the 1970 general elections. Because of the politicization of the military, recruitment and promotions within the military were determined/influenced by politicians. Another criterion for entry of the military officers into the armed forces and their upward mobility was nepotism. This motivated the officers who were sidelined during the process to rebel against the ruling government and the leadership of the military. As a result, the political and economic institutions of Lesotho were weakened and unstable as the resources of the country were spent on military weaponry, setting up militias and rewarding the soldiers who were loyal to authoritarian rule in Lesotho. Simultaneously, the country experienced low levels of economic productivity as national resources were misappropriated, embezzled and used for personal enrichment by both the BNP and the military junta. Similarly, when the civilian government came to power in 1993, it was interested in power consolidation. This motivated similar demands by the military due to the political influence by opposition parties that were hungry for power. With the transition of the country to democratic rule in 1993, the civilian government was faced with the problem not of its own making. It had to deal with the military which was heavily armed and deeply divided along political lines. As a result, it was impossible for the civilian regime to control and transform the institution to adjust to the principle of neutrality of the soldier in a democratic dispensation. Consequently, the Basotho people in general and their democratic governments, namely the Basotho Congress Party (B. C. P.) and the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (L. C. D.) had never enjoyed the fruits of civilian rule. Since 1993, the military had the capacity Ipower to intervene against a civilian regime. Therefore, it became a major source of instability in Lesotho. For example, the junior military officers were actively involved in the 1998 political crisis. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.