Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres

The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the process of democratic consolidation in Thailand between 1997-2006.  The country’s consolidation of democracy has been hampered by continuous cycle of coup d’états which throughout history have halted the overall process of democratization. The coup of 2006 is one example of those instances where the democratic consolidation process was interrupted.   The method used to examine the years of 1997-2006 was theory consuming by qualitative text analysis where the data used to assess the situation was qualitative. The theory of democratic consolidation was offered by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan. The theory’s prerequisites were applied to examine the case study of Thailand. The theory chosen were hoped to give a plausible explanation for the failure of democratic consolidation in the case of Thailand. It was also hoped that it could assess the overall quality of Thai democracy and possibly give a better insight in why military coups seem to be a reoccurring phenomenon in the case of Thailand.

Military mutinies are occurring more frequently in the last two decades than ever before. Mutinies impact every region of the world. Given that they are occurring more frequently, impact every region, and often have disastrous implications, scholars must answer the foundational question: why do mutinies occur? What are the proximate domestic conditions that give rise to military mutinies? This project makes three contributions. First, I set out to formally define mutinies and collect a new dataset that will allow scholars to examine mutinies empirically. Second, I present a theoretical framework that explains when and why mutinies will occur. Finally, I present three novel empirical tests of the theory. The first portion of this dissertation defines mutinies and describes the data collection process. I present the Military Mutinies and Defections Databases (MMDD). Using news articles from various sources, I code 460 mutiny events from 1945 – present day. I code a number of other variables that give users details about the event, such as: whether or not violence was used, whether or not civilians were killed, and whether or not soldiers defected from the military apparatus. Next, I utilize a nested principal agent model to describe when mutinies are likely to occur. Agent models describe hierarchical relationships of delegation. A nested structure allows for multiple agents and multiple principals in a given model. I apply this nested structure to the military to generate three various nests. The first examines foot soldiers as an agent of the military leadership. In this nest, policy failures (e.g., bad strategy) secured by the military leadership will drive foot soldier mutinies. The second nest explores foot soldiers as agents of the executive, a civilian principal. In this nest, I expect that situations that place soldiers in conflict with the executive will generate shirking. The final nest considers foot soldiers and military leadership as collective agents of the executive. I theorize that risk aversion and divergent preferences will drive shirking, or mutinies, in this nested structure. The final nest presents an interesting trade-off for a coup-worried leader. I argue that while executives can utilize regime securing strategies, such strategies might actually agitate the military and drive low level military rebellions. Coup proofing, a common practice among executives that are worried they will be ousted by the military, effectively wards of coups but can generate unintended consequences. Specifically, I expect that counterbalancing measures and other coup proofing tactics should spur mutinies because the intended purpose of these measures is to create coordination challenges which likely spur military splintering. The first empirical chapter sets out to explore the relationship between civil conflict and the likelihood of mutinies. I expect that when civil wars are extremely bloody or long lasting, mutinies will be more likely as war-weary soldiers no longer want to invest in the war effort. I find evidence that indeed civil war intensity and duration contribute to the probability of a state experiencing a mutiny. The second empirical chapter explores scenarios that pit foot soldiers preferences against the executive’s. I expect that scenarios that impose steep costs on foot soldiers, yet provide some benefit to the executive are likely to spur mutinies. I find evidence that protest events and divisionary conflict spur mutinies. The final empirical chapter explores the military apparatus as a whole. I find that coup proofing measures increase the likelihood of mutinies. Additionally, I find that scenarios that are likely to spur widespread dissent among military actors will increase the likelihood of a mutiny in the context of steep coordination challenges that stifle coup activity. The final chapter concludes by providing policy recommendations. I offer recommendations for leader states (e.g., major powers and democratic leaders in the international system) and for states experiencing mutinies. I conclude by discussing the many possible extensions for this project. This section seeks to emphasis the fact that this is a young, novel research program with many promising avenues for future research.

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This thesis examines the role of both the local and international media during the May 2000 coup, to determine whether the coverage was fair and to suggest solutions for the future. It will first discuss and compare literature that has been written on the Fiji coups, focusing on literature on the media and the coups in particular. According to Fowler (1991) the role of a journalist is to collect facts, report them objectively and present them fairly and without bias in language which is designed to be unambiguous, undistorting and agreeable to readers. However, in most times this is not the case. A thematic content analysis will be done on news articles that appeared in The Fiji Times, The New Zealand Herald and The Australian to find common themes during the coverage of the crisis. A lot of criticism of the both the local and international media’s role during the May 2000 coup emerged after the crisis. Critics included editors and journalists of the local and international media and political and historical analysts who knew the ‘real reasons’ behind the coup and did not see this being reported. A summary of interviews with journalists and editors who covered the coup, both local and overseas, will give an insight into their thoughts and reactions during the coup. It will also determine whether the journalists suffered from the Stockholm syndrome. The Stockholm syndrome describes the behaviour of kidnap victims or people who associate a lot with the captors, and who over time become sympathetic to their captors. The name is derived from a 1973 hostage siege in Stockholm, Sweden when at the end of six days of captivity at a bank; several kidnap victims actually resisted rescue attempts, and afterwards refused to testify against their captors. During the Fiji coup, apart from Speights supporters, journalists were the only ones who spent a lot of time with the coup leader either at press conferences or staying at Parliament to get good stories. As a result, some journalists began to ‘sway’ towards Speight or began to experience the Stockholm syndrome which was reflected in their stories. The thesis concludes that a few journalists in Fiji did suffer from the Stockholm syndrome. It also concludes that a crisis manual is needed for media organisations in Fiji to avoid the same mistakes being repeated as in the last three coups. The overseas media on the other hand need to attach themselves to the local media to avoid parachute journalism and inaccurate reporting. Overseas media organisations need to assign special reporters to Pacific Island affairs to understand the culture and other complex issues which would help in reporting their issues fairly and accurately.

Oι COUP-TFs (Chicken Ovalvumin Upstream Promoter – Transcription Factors) είναι ορφανοί πυρηνικοί υποδοχείς που ανήκουν στην υπεροικογένεια των υποδοχέων στεροειδών/θυρεοειδών ορμονών. Εμφανίζουν μεγάλη ομολογία σε όλα τα μετάζωα και εκφράζονται κατά προτίμηση στο νευρικό σύστημα. Εκτός της συντηρημένης αλληλουχίας τους, επίσης συντηρημένες είναι και οι θέσεις των εσoνίων στους διάφορους οργανισμούς ενώ, μέχρι πρόσφατα, δεν είχε παρατηρηθεί εναλλακτικό μάτισμα. Ωστόσο έχουμε δείξει ότι στα εχινόδερμα, υπάρχουν δύο μετάγραφα, αποτέλεσμα εναλλακτικού ματίσματος ενός μικρού εξονίου 63 bps. Τα δύο mRNAs παράγουν δύο πρωτεΐνες, η μεγαλύτερη εκ των οποίων περιέχει 21 επιπρόσθετα αμινοξέα στην κάρβοξυ-τελική επέκταση της περιοχής πρόσδεσης στο DNA (DBD). Πειράματα EMSA έδειξαν ότι η μικρή ισομορφή του COUP-TF, ως ομοδιμερές, προσδένεται με διαφoρετική συγγένεια σε όλα τα στοιχεία απόκρισης που εξετάστηκαν. Η μεγάλη ισομορφή εν αντιθέσει, δεν προσδένεται αποτελεσματικά σε κανένα από αυτά τα στοιχεία απόκρισης, ούτε ως ομοδιμερές ούτε ως ετεροδιμερές με τη μικρή ισομορφή. Επίσης, πειράματα ανοσοφθορισμού, έχουν δείξει ότι σε έμβρυα αχινού στο στάδιο των 16 κυττάρων, η μεγάλη πρωτεΐνη εντοπίζεται στο κυτταρόπλασμα, ενώ για τη μικρή πρωτεΐνη είναι γνωστή η παρουσία της στον πυρήνα. Ο σκοπός της εργασίας αυτής είναι η μελέτη του ρόλου της ένθεσης των 21 αμινοξέων στην μεγάλη ισομορφή, όσον αφορά στην κυτταρική διαμερισματοποίηση και στη συγγένεια πρόσδεσης στο DNA. Στην ένθεση αυτή υπάρχουν δύο προλίνες και τρείς θρεονίνες. Η προλίνη γενικότερα βρίσκεται σε σημεία όπου μία πρωτεΐνη κάμπτεται. Η υπόθεσή μας είναι ότι οι προλίνες αυτές παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο στη στερεοδιαμόρφωση της πρωτεΐνης, που με τη σειρά της είναι υπεύθυνη για τις αλλαγές που παρατηρούνται στη μεγάλη ισομορφή, ως προς την συγγένεια πρόσδεσης στο DNA και την κυτταρική διαμερισματοποίηση, σε σχέση με την μικρή. Επίσης η θρεονίνη είναι ένα αμινοξύ που μπορεί να δεκτεί φωσφορυλίωση. Γεγονότα φωσφορυλίωσης και αποφοσφωρυλίωσης μπορεί να επηρεάζουν την ικανότητα πρόσδεσης και την κυτταρική διαμερισματοποίηση του υποδοχέα. 2 Για να ελεχθούν οι υποθέσεις αυτές, μεταλλάχθηκαν οι δύο προλίνες και οι τρεις θρεονίνες της μεγάλης ισομορφής σε αλανίνες, παράχθηκαν in vitro οι μεταλλαγμένες πρωτεΐνες και προσδιορίστηκε η συγγένεια πρόσδεσης τους στο DNA με πειράματα EMSA. Οι ίδιες μεταλλάξεις πραγματοποιήθηκαν και σε ένα κατασκεύασμα το οποίο κωδικοποιεί για τη χιμαιρική πρωτεΐνη που αποτελείται από τη μεγάλη ισομορφή και τη πράσινη φθορίζουσα πρωτεΐνη. Τα in vitro παραχθέντα RNAs ενέθηκαν σε έμβρυα αχινού ώστε να μελετηθεί η ενδοκυτταρική κατανομή της μεγάλης COUP-TF ισομορφής. Τα αποτελέσματα δείχνουν ότι οι δύο προλίνες δεν φαίνεται να παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο όσον αφορά την πρόσδεση της μεγάλης COUP-TF ισομορφής ως ομοδιμερές. Εντούτοις οι δύο αυτές προλίνες φαίνεται να επηρεάζουν την πρόσδεση της μεγάλης ισομορφής COUP-TF ως ετεροδιμερές με τρόπο ώστε να την ενισχύει. / -

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The emergence of China as a dominant force in international politics has challenged the traditional roles states have played in regions such as the South Pacific. The 2006 Fiji coup heralded a new era of competition in the region as PRC policy response conflicted with that of existing powers such as New Zealand. China continued to engage and expand its relationship with Fiji while New Zealand attempted to isolate the interim Fijian administration. This thesis looks at how New Zealand and PRC policy towards Fiji has clashed following the 2006 coup and assesses the implications for these powers as well as the long term stability of the region. New Zealand responded to the coup by placing strict sanctions on Fiji and lobbying the Pacific Islands Forum and the Commonwealth to suspend Fiji’s membership. Meanwhile, the PRC expanded its diplomatic, military and financial ties with Fiji and provided funding for the MSG, a frequent supporter of the Fijian regime.

No description available.