The aim of this thesis is to analyze Ukrainian foreign policy and its domestic sources since 1991, with a focus on the post-Orange Revolution era. The thesis argues that contrary to neo-realist approaches to the study of Ukrainian foreign policy, in the final analysis, it is Ukraine&#039 / s domestic factors which determines the direction of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era. This thesis demonstrates that the existing neo-realist studies of Ukrainian foreign policy exaggerates the role of external factors and neglects the crucial role of domestic factors in Ukrainian foreign policy. The thesis begins with an introduction, which is followed by the second chapter on the interaction between domestic and external factors in Ukrainian foreign policy in the pre-Orange Revolution era. The third chapter examines the characteristics of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Orange Revolution era. The following four chapters discuss the impact of political, economic and cultural factors on Ukrainian foreign policy as well as the Crimean question. Finally the last chapter will be the conclusion of this thesis.

This work seeks to settle the doctrine of self-determination in international law. Drawing upon a selection of historical thinkers who have concentrated upon the value of freedom, a theory of political liberty, is developed. This is situated in relation to political history from the Age of Revolutions on. The development of the formal principle of self-determination is discussed. This reveals a doctrine lacking coherence. The philosophy of political liberty is proposed as a foundation for self-determination in law. The way this new approach manifests itself in practice, and its merits, are considered in relation to the politics of Crimea, with a focus on the immediate post-Soviet period of 1991-2002. In conclusion, a programme for implementation and refinement is offered. It is also noted that one could fashion a new approach to international law as a whole on the basis of the logic that is employed here to settle the doctrine of self-determination.

The aim of this study was to analyze how realism and liberalism are represented in requests concerning the question about a Swedish membership in Nato written by members of the Swedish Moderate Party in 2010, 2013, 2015 and 2017 respectively. The time period was chose due to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, which created a higher threat level in areas that are in close proximity of Sweden and which makes the debate about a Swedish membership in Nato very topical. To be able to answer the aim of this study, ideal type analysis was used as the method. Analyzing the occurrence of realism and liberalism within three political issues: security, collaboration and international organizations. The results show that the realistic and the liberal ideal type could be identified in requests concerning collaboration. However, within the political issues of security and international organizations only the liberal ideal type could be identified. Hence, there was not possible to identify any ideological change between realism and liberalism. In seven occasions none of the ideal types could be identified. Considering that the study included some eventful years, the result of no ideological changes are to be seen as fairly unexpected.

This paper researches the changes that took place in Crimean economy after March 2014 with respect to the integration policies Russia has applied in that field. Based on the theories of economic integration and Russian regional development programs, economic development patterns of disputed territories and small island economies, as well as the influence of institutions on the economy, we find that ascension to Russia had for the peninsula its positive and negative effects with the prevalence of the latter. We also suggest that the political integration of Crimea was more successful than it was in economic dimension, because the existing investment constraints and lack of proper connection to the Russian mainland remain formidable obstacles on the way of region's successful integration and further development. We find that all economic development in Crimea depends on Russian subsidies and it is likely to remain this way because the region is underdeveloped by Russian standards. This is consistent with the idea that small island economies and disputed territories are over-dependent on the respective sponsor-state for the provision of economic stability.

The thesis deals with the international legal aspects of secession and the right to self-determination of nations. This issue will be presented in more detail on the cases of Kosovo and the Crimea. The aim of the thesis is to clarify the problems of Kosovo and the Crimea using the terminology of international law. In this paper, we will try to find answers to two research questions and whether it is possible to apply the conclusions of the MSD opinion on the independence of Kosovo in the case of the Crimea? Furthermore, whether there has been a violation of international law by the Russian authorities in the Crimea? The thesis is divided into four chapters. In the first are used the concepts of international law. In the second chapter, the notion of Art Nouveau and the development of the principle of the right to self-determination are theoretically defined in their present form. The third chapter is then focused on Kosovo. The greatest attention will be paid to the declaration of independence in 2008 and, in particular, to that of the International Court of Justice in 2010. In the fourth chapter, we will focus on the international legal issues of the events in the Crimea. The key part will be the assessment of the consequences of the declaration of the independence of the Crimea and its subsequent...

There are several things which can influence a nations policy both from within a nation and without. This Thesis aimed to understand the relationship between international incidents and the national rhetoric and policy of a nation. To this end the thesis made use of a comparative case study around the case of the annexation of Crimea and its impact on Swedish defence policy and rhetoric. Making use of two theories to structure the analysis that of Framing and Securitisation. The thesis selected and made use of public addresses performed by the Swedish Prime Minsters, Foreign Minsters, Defence Ministers and policy documents posted from the years 2010 to 2018. This thesis found that while the frame of the Russian state existed before 2014, it became much more severe within the speeches and statements from Swedish politicians following the event moving from being a passive threat to Sweden to an actively growing threat which needed to be addressed. The solutions which are proposed during the period range from increased cooperation with nations around Sweden to more extreme solutions such as an increased war readiness and a permanent garrison which is stationed on the Gotland Island in response to a suggested Russian threat.

This paper analyses how Putin legitimizes his role conceptions in order to justify his annexation of Crimea. In order to reduce the likelihood of the foreign role being challenged while subscribing to the ego and alter expectations, it is necessary for decision makers to legitimize role perceptions. In this paper, the concept of role legitimation is developed and two mechanisms for legitimating roles are proposed. The first mechanism is ego expectations, namely the revival of roles from a specific period of time that is deeply embedded as an inalienable historical feature of the state. The second is alter expectations, namely the reproduction of international expectations in foreign policy discourse. To illustrate the argument, Putin's speech after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 is analyzed.

The aim of this work is to determine the influence of nuclear weapons possession in 1) Russia's foreign policy in the Ukraine crisis, 2) relations between NATO and Russia. For this purpose the work monitors the development of NATO - Russia relations from the Budapest memorandum until present. The work also creates typology of russian signalling activities based on the theoretical basis of the nuclear deterrence conceptions and especially on the models of crisis signalling, which is closely linked to these conceptions. After monitoring these activities the work concludes that Russia is indeed using threats of nuclear weapons employment in the framework of it's attitude towards Ukraine crisis and also the intensity of signalling shows similar development as the relations with NATO.

This thesis intended to examine how the actions of Sweden, following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, fit within the international relations theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism, focusing on the actions of Sweden's foreign policy that impacted its neutrality policy. This thesis is built upon the pragmatic idealism theoretical perspective of international relations, and attempted to address how this perspective accounted for, or failed to account for the actions of Sweden in the face of the escalating Russian threat. The analysis herein is grounded in case study methodology. First, the thesis examined how Sweden-Russia relations evolved in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, the thesis examined how Sweden-NATO relations changed after the 2014-15 annexation of Crimea by Russia. In both cases, the paper analysed how the evolution of these relationships affected Sweden's neutrality, and how the evolution was consistent or not consistent with the “pragmatic” and “idealist” dimensions of the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism. The culmination of this paper drew an inference of the applicability of the perspective of pragmatic idealism to Sweden's application of neutrality to international relations. It concluded that Sweden's neutrality both prior to and following the invasion, as well as its subsequent actions, were in line with the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism.

This thesis is about the military conflict in eastern and southern territories of Ukraine, including the Crimean crisis and War in the Donbas area that took place from 2014 till this present time (2020). According to international law, these regions are still part of Ukraine, however, Russia de facto controls the Crimea Peninsula and the Donbass region. Due to dissatisfaction with the dismissal of Ukrainian President Yanukovych, Crimea opposed the new central government with the help of Russian military forces. Subsequently, they elected their own parliament and voted to declare independence. They then successfully held a referendum on whether to "return" to Russia which is biased and condemned by the international community. The referendum claimed to be passed with a very high number of votes although both the turnout and the votes in favor have been questioned, then Crimea officially joined the Russian Federation. The results of the Crimean referendum were not accepted by the Ukrainian government, and Russia was also sanctioned by the Western-based international community due to this crisis. What's more, part of the pro-Russian region in eastern Ukraine has also followed the independence of Crimea and intended to "rejoin" Russia Federal. After the two Minsk treaties, in spite of the fact that...