CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Atualmente, na sociedade brasileira, encontra-se um celeiro de iniciativas no que diz respeito à ampliaÃÃo da participaÃÃo dos sujeitos nas decisÃes pÃblicas, dentre elas as associaÃÃes e os conselhos de polÃticas pÃblicas. Tais experiÃncias constituem-se como espaÃos educativos. Este trabalho teve como objetivo principal analisar a contribuiÃÃo das experiÃncias participativas e dos aprendizados nelas vivenciados para a formaÃÃo da consciÃncia crÃtica do âhomem simplesâ no Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Mulher (COMDIM) e na AssociaÃÃo de Moradores e Amigos do Cauassu (AMACAUASSU) no municÃpio de EusÃbio (Ce), espaÃos de atuaÃÃo polÃtica da pesquisadora. A opÃÃo por pesquisar minha prÃtica encontra-se apoiada em Paulo Freire (2005; 2006; 2008), para quem o conhecimento deve ter funÃÃo eminentemente libertadora, inclusive nas aÃÃes de EducaÃÃo Popular. O ator principal do estudo à o homem simples (MARTINS, 2010). AlÃm do estudo bibliogrÃfico, a pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, utilizou-se para a produÃÃo dos dados (Gonsalves, 2001) de estratÃgias de cunho etnogrÃfico, tais como: observaÃÃo participante; entrevistas semi-estruturadas; diÃrio de campo; fragmentos de histÃria de vida dos sujeitos; dinÃmicas de grupo e o grupo focal. Utilizei-me ainda da anÃlise de documentos oficiais dos espaÃos, e de um questionÃrio com questÃes fechadas para construir o perfil socioeconÃmico dos sujeitos. Foram entrevistados quatro sujeitos do COMDIM, sete da AMACAUASSU, e um grupo focal com a diretoria da AssociaÃÃo. As observaÃÃes se deram em vÃrios momentos: reuniÃes; audiÃncias pÃblicas; assembleias; momentos de formaÃÃo e avaliaÃÃo. Os resultados evidenciam que apesar da emancipaÃÃo de EusÃbio ter se dado atravÃs de um plebiscito, esse nÃo ocorreu por forÃa da organizaÃÃo e mobilizaÃÃo da sociedade civil organizada, mas por forÃas e interesses polÃtico-partidÃrios. Os espaÃos constituem-se em um esforÃo organizacional significativo, mas ainda nÃo se configuram como espaÃos efetivos de politizaÃÃo das questÃes sociais. Destacam-se como dificultadores do processo formativo e, consequentemente, da participaÃÃo e permanÃncia dos sujeitos nesses espaÃos: a prevalÃncia das formas tradicionais de se fazer polÃtica, baseadas no autoritarismo social, personalismo, clientelismo, e na cordialidade brasileira; a concentraÃÃo exagerada das representaÃÃes da sociedade civil junto aos conselhos gestores de polÃticas pÃblicas; a descontinuidade das aÃÃes formativas e, ainda, a influÃncia da formaÃÃo religiosa dos sujeitos - catÃlicos ou evangÃlicos - acarretando uma hierarquizaÃÃo de valores, com a subordinaÃÃo das atividades da AssociaÃÃo Ãs da Igreja, por exemplo. Contudo, apesar das fragilidades, hà nuanÃas de conscientizaÃÃo e aproximaÃÃes gradativas de um modo de ser democrÃtico. O âhomem simplesâ enquanto gente à inacabado, e se faz humano em suas vivÃncias com outros homens. à preciso que se compreenda que esse sujeito, possui uma histÃria anterior a sua chegada a esses espaÃos, e para alÃm deles. Ele à um sujeito de relaÃÃes! E como sujeito de muitas relaÃÃes, que nÃo apenas as de aspectos sociais, por muitas vezes permite que algumas influÃncias se revelem e se sobressaiam Ãs tentativas de conscientizaÃÃo desse homem. A vivÃncia dos princÃpios da EducaÃÃo Popular, a partir das contribuiÃÃes de Paulo Freire, poderia colaborar para que a formaÃÃo da consciÃncia crÃtica do âhomem simplesâ se desse de forma mais significativa, contribuindo para a construÃÃo de uma nova cultura polÃtica. / Currently, in our Brazilian society, we have lots of initiatives regarding the increasing of the participation of individuals in the process of decisions of public issues, among these, we could mention, Associations and Public Policy Councils. Such experiences comprise the educational spaces. This paper aims mainly to investigate the contribution of participatory experiences, as well as, the learning results experienced from them concerning the formation of critical consciousness by the "simple-minded man" in the Municipal Council for Women Rights (COMDIM) and Dwellersâ Association and Friends of Cauassu (AMACAUASSU) in the municipality of EusÃbio - CE, the researcherâs acting policy spaces. The option for the searching of my practice is hereby supported by Paulo Freire (2005, 2006, 2008), to whom knowledge should have eminently a liberating function, including the sharing of Popular Education. The main actor of the study is the simple-minded man (Martins, 2010). Besides the bibliographical study, a qualitative approach was used to produce the data (Gonsalves, 2001) ethnographic strategies, such as the participating observation, semi-structured interviews, field journal; fragments of life history of subjects, group dynamics and focus groups. I also used the analysis of official documents of the spaces, and a questionnaire with closed questions to build the socioeconomic profile of the subjects. We interviewed four subjects of COMDIM, seven of AMACAUASSU, and a focus group with the board of the Association. The observations took place in several stages: meetings, public hearings, meetings, moments of training and evaluation. The results show that despite the emancipation of EusÃbio has been brought forth by means of a referendum, this has not occurred by virtue of the organization and by the mobilization of civil society, but by the forces and interests of political parties. Spaces are on a significant organizational effort, but still not depicted as effective spaces of politicization of social issues. We could highlight as hindrances for the educational process and, consequently, for the participation and retention of subjects in those spaces: the prevalence of the traditional ways of doing politics which are based upon the social authoritarianism, personality, clientele, and Brazilian cordiality; the exaggerated concentration of civil society representatives within the policymakers Councils; discontinuity in training activities, and also the influence of the religious training of the subjects - Catholics or evangelicals - resulting in a hierarchy of values, with the subordination of the activities of the Association of the Church, just to mention a few. However, despite the weaknesses, there are nuances of awareness and gradual approximations of a democratic way of being. The "simple-minded man" as being an unfinished gentry, and they become more human in their experiences with other individuals. You need to understand that this man has a history prior to his insertion into these spaces, and beyond that. He is a fellow of relationships! And as the subject of many relationships, not just out of social aspects, for often allows some influences stand out and prove to attempts to raise awareness of this man. The experience of the principles of Popular Education, based on the contributions of Paulo Freire, which could contribute to the formation of critical consciousness of the "simple-minded man" that has been the most significant one. Thus, contributing to the construction of a new political culture.

Essentially contested concepts result in continual disagreement over their meaning and use because important consequences flow from these disputes. Evidence of the contested nature of the concept social justice, in the context of teacher education, is documented in academic literature. Empirical evidence of the contested nature of the term is found in the transcripts of National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE)’s 2006 reauthorization hearing. Scholars note the complex nature of social justice and that teacher educators and colleges of education frequently use the term (e.g. Hytten & Bettez, 2011; North, 2008; Zollers, Albert, & Cochran-Smith, 2000). This study focuses on the various understandings and applications of the concept social justice in academic writing within teacher education. A directed qualitative content analysis of academic journal articles, guided by Gallie’s (1956) framework, was conducted to identify how the phrase, social justice, is used in the context of teacher education. Gallie’s framework was chosen because it has proved a useful tool to analyze complex concepts (Collier, Hidalgo & Maciuceani, 2006). One of Gallie’s goals in designing his framework was to help scholars’ reason about complex concepts. This study found evidence to support the classification of social justice as an essentially contested concept in teacher education. Additionally, this study found indications in the data that the term may be terminologically contested in the context of teacher education and recommends further investigation. I argue that teacher educators interested in social justice as a reform measure for teacher education should define the concept and come to a consensus about what social justice in teacher education means. The lack of precision in the term makes debate over the merits of concept, in the context of teacher education, difficult.

Thesis advisor: Patrick Proctor / Youth of color are owed an “education debt” from this country, built on systems that sought to disenfranchise people of color, from colonialism and slavery to legacies of redlining and present-day criminalization practices (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Black, Indigenous and Latinx youth have consistently been pushed out of schools at higher rates than other groups (Morris, 2016). In recognizing this problem, this dissertation examined the ways that one alternative program in an urban-area in the Northeast sought to re-engage youth of color through emancipatory pedagogical models. All students, except for one, were youth of color with the majority of students being of Caribbean origin (i.e. Haitian, Dominican, Puerto Rican, Trinidadian, St. Lucian, Jamaican). In examining a need for emancipatory pedagogies, I conducted interviews with alumni and focus groups with current students to understand the multitude of reasons that students had been pushed out of traditional schools in their previous educational experiences. I then conducted interviews with past and present staff, as well as observations in the program, to understand the different pedagogies that were created that promoted decolonization and liberation in this particular alternative program. I then analyzed the short and long-term impacts of the program, primarily in understanding how the program shaped student identities. This study employed a qualitative approach, including a Youth Participatory Action Research component, to examine the factors listed above. MAXQDA was used to code transcripts of focus groups and interviews to determine themes in understanding the development and impact of emancipatory pedagogical models. Findings indicated the importance of creating a foundation for emancipatory pedagogies through staff spaces and conversations to understand implicit biases and teaching philosophies. This work should then be enhanced by building deep and supportive relationships with students and teaching in ways that uplift students’ cultures and promote critical consciousness. Key impacts of these pedagogies were found in racial identity, which was tied to gender identity and academic identity. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

No description available.

The current study explored coach training and experience, and individual identities and roles that youth sport coaches hold as well as how they enact social justice within youth sporting communities. Using convergent mixed-methods design, critical consciousness (Freire, 1970) was the theoretical framework and method of analysis for this study. Forty-seven participants responded to this open-ended survey; 85.1% of coaches reported coaching part-time, 59.5% of the sample were volunteer coaches, and 33% of coaches had less than 1–3 years of coaching experience. Findings revealed a majority White (69%) and Majority Male (61%) sample of youth sport coaches and described coaching identities were categorized into multiple and intersectional (Women of Color; n = 5) identities. Emic coding through cross-analysis of open-ended questions suggested a deeper understanding of coaches’ connection to community in relationship to how coaches described identities. These were coded as Coach-Centered Coaching , Limited Connection, or Synthesizing Connection. Furthermore, community-based sport coaches were engaging in and enacting social justice within youth sporting communities in ways that mirror critical consciousness patterns of dialogue, reflection, and action. The theoretical implications of this study expand the application of societal roles, more specifically the role of a youth sport coach to the theory of intersectionality. This study supports past literature that found that youth sport coaches are dissatisfied with the education they receive; thus these findings inform suggestions for how to make coaching education more relevant and accessible. Empirically, study findings suggest that the underresearched area of youth sport coaches’ identities may be related to the depth of connection coaches have to community, impacting the holistic developmental outcomes of participating youth athletes. Practically, this study delivers a critical pedagogy framework for community-based coaching education that blends the personal (identity and role development) and professional (coaching specific knowledges). Results of this study can inform future empirical research of youth sport coaching and intervention development that theoretically considers the integration of intersectionality with critical consciousness.

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Thesis advisor: Jacqueline V. Lerner / Young people identifying as Black, Latino/a/x, Hispanic, Asian, and other races and ethnicities that are minoritized and marginalized have constrained opportunities for positive development in the United States due to oppression grounded in white supremacy (NASEM, 2019). Importantly, youth of color engage in critical consciousness: interrogating and dismantling systems of oppression (Freire, 1970/2016). My aim was to illuminate the variation within youth of color in their development of critical consciousness, and to consider the implications for their overall development as viewed from a positive youth development perspective (Lerner et al., 2015). Associations between patterns of critical consciousness development and two variables measuring youths’ perceptions of their school context were examined. Using latent profile transition analysis, I explored variation among a sample of youth of color (n = 335) in cognitive, socioemotional, and behavioral processes of critical consciousness (Diemer et al., 2016; Watts et al., 2011) over a short longitudinal period. The mean age was fourteen at time 1 (which took place in 2016) and fifteen at time 2. Group-differential patterns in critical consciousness development were related to contribution—supporting the development of self and giving back to community; engagement in risk and problem behaviors; and emotional problems. Associations between patterns of critical consciousness development and (1) classroom discussions about social justice and (2) open classroom climate were estimated. Multiple patterns of engagement with critical consciousness were identified. Some youth shifted in their patterns of critical consciousness over time. Many participants reported a pattern of low engagement in multiple components of critical consciousness across both time points; higher classroom discussions about social justice were associated with a lower likelihood of youth following this pattern. These youth concurrently reported low contribution. Young people who sustained high levels across all dimensions of critical consciousness had high levels of emotional problems and risk and problem behaviors. Findings indicate broad involvement in critical consciousness can be associated with negative outcomes. Nevertheless, young people who were participating less in critical consciousness may struggle to promote positive development within themselves and their contexts through contribution. Implications for supporting the thriving of youth of color are discussed. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology.

Thesis advisor: Scott C. Seider / Engagement in sociopolitical activism, such as protesting, has important implications for youth of color and for the communities in which they live (Ballard & Ozer, 2016; Ginwright, 2010; Hope & Spencer, 2017). Critical Consciousness (CC; Freire, 1970/1998; Watts et al., 2011) and Youth Sociopolitical Development Theory (Youth SPD; Watts & Flanagan, 2007) are two prominent frameworks for investigating sociopolitical activism among youth of color. Although both frameworks position motivation as one of the key factors influencing youth activism, motivation is narrowly defined as a single construct—one’s sense of efficacy to effect change. Using motivation constructs from two established motivation frameworks, Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2000) and Regulatory Focus Theory (RFT; Higgins, 1997), this dissertation investigated the multidimensional nature of motivation in relation to Black and Latinx adolescents’ commitment to activism. Drawing from a longitudinal data set examining Black and Latinx adolescents’ civic development over four years of high school (N = 733), I used group differential approaches (latent profile analysis, latent profile transition analysis, and latent profile moderation) to (a) identify distinct combinations of motivations among Black and Latinx high school students in ninth, tenth, and twelfth grade, (b) assess whether and the extent to which adolescents changed profile membership across high school, (c) examine motivation profiles in tenth grade as predictors of commitment to activism in twelfth grade, and (d) examine motivation profiles in tenth grade as moderators of the relation between adolescents’ analysis of social problems in tenth grade and their commitment to activism addressing these problems in twelfth grade (controlling for their initial commitment to activism). I identified two motivation profiles in ninth grade, four motivation profiles in tenth grade, and four motivation profiles in twelfth grade. At both tenth and twelfth grade, I named the motivation profiles: “Low Motivation,” “High Motivation,” “Moderate Motivation, Low Autonomy,” and “Moderate Motivation, High Autonomy.” At both time points, the “Low Motivation” profile comprised the smallest proportion of the sample and the “Moderate Motivation, High Autonomy” profile comprised the largest proportion of the sample. Most youth shifted to a different motivation profile over time. Adolescents in the “High Motivation” profile at the end of tenth grade reported the highest average commitment to activism at the end of twelfth grade; however, this number was only statistically significantly higher than the “Moderate Motivation, Low Autonomy” profile. Contrary to expectations, youths’ social analysis in tenth grade was not predictive of their commitment to activism in twelfth grade; thus, there was no latent profile moderation in relation to social analysis and commitment to activism. Instead, I did find evidence that motivation profile membership moderated the relation between commitment to activism at the end of tenth grade on commitment to activism at the end of twelfth grade. Overall, results suggest that adolescents’ motivation is multidimensional and incredibly dynamic. Future CC/Youth SPD research should consider investigating a more complete set of established motivation constructs in relation to youths’ sociopolitical development. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology.

No description available.

The concept of self-esteem has so thoroughly infiltrated American education that “most educators believe developing self-esteem to be one of the primary purposes of public education” (Stout, 2001, p. 119). That the available scholarship challenging the validity of self-esteem principles has had little to no impact on schooling and school policy demonstrates the need for more a comprehensive interrogation of a concept that has become so pervasive and commonsensical that many administrators and teachers do not even think to question its place in traditional pedagogy, let alone consider the possibility that self-esteem is a damaging ideological construct. The rhetorical (and impossible) promise of self-esteem as both a quantifiable and fixed human resource has proliferated in educational language as schools continue to promote self-esteem among racialized and poorly performing students, while the structural conditions that negatively impact these students’ performance in the first place remain intact. The legacy of self-esteem in educational discourse requires a critical interpretation, or re-interpretation, by educators who wish to challenge oppressive commonsense assumptions and feel-good principles that covertly help to maintain “dominant cultural norms that do little more than preserve social inequality” (Darder, 2015, p. 1). This study takes a decolonizing approach that involves a substantive interrogation—historical, political, and philosophical—of the Eurocentric epistemological concept of self-esteem, in order to demonstrate the debilitating effects that self-esteem has on students from working-class communities of color. It then suggests an emancipatory understanding of the self and alternative critical pedagogical principles of social empowerment.