The county of Tripoli (Lebanon) was one of four “crusader states” established in the Levant after the First Crusade (1095-99). Compared to the other states, the county of Tripoli has suffered from a disproportionate level of historiographical neglect. What has been produced has taken an institutional and Eurocentric approach to the subject and its sources. The present thesis jettisons this in favour of a post-institutional methodology, approaching the county from the perspectives of geography and demographics, which together ensure that it is treated within its proper Syro-Lebanese context. Chapter one looks at the role of local geography in shaping the political frontiers of the county of Tripoli and its neighbours, arguing that topography was more important than the agency of the European settlers. Chapter two continues to challenge traditional assumptions regarding European influence, arguing that the specifically southern French origins of many of the county’s settlers were of little significance. Chapter three analyses the use of Arabic by the Frankish government of the county, informed by an awareness of diglossia. It argues that the Franks were more likely to know spoken Arabic than written, but remained reliant upon local intermediaries when ruling over Arabophones. Chapter four looks at popular religion, arguing that the cross-fertilisation of religious beliefs and practices was widespread but poorly understood by the contemporary intelligentsia, upon whose sources historians rely. As a whole, the thesis argues that the county’s inhabitants lacked a distinctive culture, identity, religion or language. The sole justification for viewing the county as an integrated unit is geographical.

Ce mémoire porte sur le traité de Venise de 1201, passé entre les barons de la Quatrième Croisade et la république de Venise, pour l’affrètement d’une flotte incluant transport et vivres. L’étude du Traité est d’autant plus importante que, les croisés manquant à leurs obligations, cet accord eut un impact déterminant sur la suite de la Croisade, se plaçant ainsi au cœur de sa déviation vers Constantinople. Le mémoire analyse d’abord la nature et l’ampleur des engagements pris par Venise, en essayant de quantifier et de mesurer en termes économiques le nombre de bateaux et de croisés transportés, ainsi que le poids et le coût des provisions pour hommes et chevaux. Cette analyse, basée sur la comparaison avec des contrats analogues, prouve que la somme de 85 000 marcs d’argent convenue avec les barons n’était en rien exagérée. Parallèlement, le mémoire évalue ce que pouvait signifier, dans le contexte économique de l’époque, une telle somme, et tente d’identifier les raisons pour lesquelles les croisés furent dans l’impossibilité d’honorer leur part du contrat. Cette analyse montre que, contrairement à une certaine historiographie traditionnelle, il serait faux d’imputer aux Vénitiens la responsabilité du détournement de la Croisade ou de les taxer d’intransigeance, de cupidité, voire de duplicité. L’effort fourni par la République indique qu’elle mit tout en œuvre pour que l’entreprise fût une réussite. L’interruption du commerce, la construction de nombreux navires, la réquisition de milliers de marins pour manœuvrer la flotte et la logistique pour approvisionner des dizaines de milliers d’hommes témoignent toutes de l’ampleur de l’implication vénitienne. C’est le défaut de paiement des croisés, qui força le doge Henri Dandolo à se commettre plus avant encore, joignant irrémédiablement la fortune de la ville marchande à celle de l’expédition. / This master’s thesis is about the Treaty of Venice, made in 1201 between the Fourth Crusade’s barons and the Republic of Venice, regarding the transportation and provisioning of a fleet bound for the Levant. The importance of this study stems from the Crusaders’ default on their obligation, which had a decisive impact on the course of events, thus placing it at the heart of the Crusade’s deviation to Constantinople. First, this study analyses the nature and scale of Venice’s undertaking, attempting to quantify and measure in economic terms the number of ships and passengers onboard, as well as the supplies’ weight and cost, for both men and horses. This analysis, based on analoguous contracts, proves the agreed sum of 85 000 silver marks was in no way exaggerated. Also, the analysis weighs the importance of such a sum in the economic context of the times, and tries to identify the reasons of the crusaders’ shortcomings. Despite a certain traditional historiography, this analysis demonstrates that Venice cannot bear the brunt of the responsibility for the Crusade’s deviation, and that blaming their uncompromisingness, their greed, or even their duplicity, is wrong. The sheer effort provided by the Republic, indicates it took every measure to warrant the venture’s success. The interruption of far-away trade, the construction of numerous ships, the requisition of thousands of sailors to man them, and the logistics needed to supply tens of thousands, display well the Venetians’ dedication. It is the crusaders’ failure to pay which triggered doge Enrico Dandolo to commit further, thus irremediably joining his city’s fortunes to those of the expedition.

1 Summary The medieval period characterized by tough struggle between the secular and ecclesiastical powers. Both may be trying to get as many resources to control the medieval community. Although they were constantly in dispute, they also collaborate together. We see that, for example, in connection with the Inquisition. In order to be executed ecclesiastical judgment must be convicted passed secular power. Only that could have done the maximum penalty, execution. In the High Middle Ages, there was a decline of the Church. That's why there was a new wave of heresy. It was more organized than in the past. The new movement, especially the Cathars, got the high-quality background facilities in the south of France, Languedoc. Here they had the support of the local nobility and burgess. It was a beneficial cooperation on both sides. Church did not like this cooperation. And soon this place of resistance was attacked the Church and the government of the country. The rebellion was suppressed. The Inquisition worked in this area after that. Must add that was very successful work. Soon Inquisition completely wiped out local heretic. Single human had in the Middle Ages difficult position. He had unconditionally belong to the Church and had to live according to its dogma. This meant that he had to renounce pleasures...

7 ABSTRACT Title: THE RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL BACKGROUD OF THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST CRUSADES FOUDING The objective of this diploma thesis The religious and political Background of the beginning of the First Crusade Fouding is, to present the circumstances and the events, which preceded the beginning of the First Crusade on basis of examining literature. Further the thesis aims to clarify the three significant civilizations (European, Byzantine and Muslim), which participated in the crusade. The thesis itself is divided in several main sections: 1. Holy Land and the pilgrimage (pilgrim) tradition 2.Christians and Muslims fighting before the First Crusade. 3. Turbulent wartime conditions in Western Europe after the collapse of the Carolingian Empire. 4. The struggle for investiture. 5. Convening of the expedition. 6. The main leaders of the First Crusade. 7. Europe, Byzantium and the Muslim world of the XIth century - religion, life, culture and philosophy. 8. The World of Western Europe in the XIth century 9. World of the XIth century Byzantine Empire 10. World of the Muslim Asia Minor in the XIth century. 11. The chroniclers of the First Crusade. While studying the topic I mostly used secondary literature. Mainly I relied on the first volume of the work A History of the Crusades, which is a high quality...

O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar os modelos de realeza em Luís IX, rei da França entre 1226 e 1270, tendo como base principalmente a obra de Jean de Joinville intitulada Histoire de Saint Louis. No decorrer da análise, constata-se o caráter peculiar do documento como espelho de príncipe, gênero medieval que procura estabelecer um modelo ideal de realeza. Luís IX é nele retratado como um rei peregrino, cruzado que ampliou o reino de Deus na terra, buscando identificá-lo ao reino de Cristo, à Imitatio Christi. Joinville, senescal de Champagne, descreveu nessa obra grande parte da vida do rei, memórias resgatadas trinta anos depois de sua morte. Escrita de 1305 a 1309, a pedido de Joana de Navarra (1270-1305), esposa de Filipe o Belo (1268-1314), seu objetivo seria de enaltecer as palavras santas e as boas realizações do rei, que se tornaria São Luís. Escolheu-se este documento sobretudo por seu caráter de particular autoria, visto que Joinville, na condição de senescal laico, amigo e confidente do rei, narrou um longo período do governo do seu rei e senhor de um ponto de vista privilegiado. Uma característica muito marcante da monarquia capetíngia e do reinado de Luís IX especificamente foi a forte aliança com a Igreja. A Igreja era peça mestra do sistema feudal e sua justificadora ideológica, sendo a principal intermediária entre o rei e seu populus, dando-lhe a posse do reino, por meio da cerimônia de sagração e unção. Rei símbolo do período medieval francês, Luís IX aglutinou elementos das três funções sociais, propostas por Adalberon de Laon no século XI, a saber, a dos oratores, bellatores e laboratores. Tornou-se santo trinta e sete anos após sua morte, contribuindo para legitimar a dinastia capetíngia proposta e representada por Filipe o Belo. / The goal of this work is to identify the royalty models in Louis IX, king of France from 1226 to 1270. The basis of analysis is mostly Jean de Joinvilles work named Histoire de Saint Louis. During this analysis, we verify the peculiarity of the source, a mirror of prince, medieval gender whose goal is to establish an ideal of royalty. Louis IX is traced as a king-pilgrim, a crusade that enlarged the king of God on the hearth. He is identified with the kingdom of Christ and the Imitatio Christi. In that work, Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, described the main facts of the kings life, recovered memories thirty years after his death. Written from 1305 to 1309, by request of Joan of Navarra (1270-1305), Philip Le Beauxwife (1268-1314), his goal would be to value the holy words and good accomplishments of the king, Saint Louis. We chosen that source mostly for its trace of private authority, since Joinville, as laic seneschal, friend and confident of the king, described, from a privileged point of view, a long period of his king and lords government. The strong alliance with the Church would be one of the main traces of the Capetingean monarchy. The Church was the master piece of the feudalism, as well as its ideological support. It was the main mediator between the king and his populus, by giving him the power towards the kingdom through the ceremony of crownement. King-symbol of the French Medieval Ages, Louis IX grouped elements of the three social functions of the XIth century, according to Adalberon de Laon: the oratores, the bellatores, and the laboratores. He was canonized thirty seven years after his death, supporting the legacy of Philip Le Beauxs capetingean dynasty.

O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar os modelos de realeza em Luís IX, rei da França entre 1226 e 1270, tendo como base principalmente a obra de Jean de Joinville intitulada Histoire de Saint Louis. No decorrer da análise, constata-se o caráter peculiar do documento como espelho de príncipe, gênero medieval que procura estabelecer um modelo ideal de realeza. Luís IX é nele retratado como um rei peregrino, cruzado que ampliou o reino de Deus na terra, buscando identificá-lo ao reino de Cristo, à Imitatio Christi. Joinville, senescal de Champagne, descreveu nessa obra grande parte da vida do rei, memórias resgatadas trinta anos depois de sua morte. Escrita de 1305 a 1309, a pedido de Joana de Navarra (1270-1305), esposa de Filipe o Belo (1268-1314), seu objetivo seria de enaltecer as palavras santas e as boas realizações do rei, que se tornaria São Luís. Escolheu-se este documento sobretudo por seu caráter de particular autoria, visto que Joinville, na condição de senescal laico, amigo e confidente do rei, narrou um longo período do governo do seu rei e senhor de um ponto de vista privilegiado. Uma característica muito marcante da monarquia capetíngia e do reinado de Luís IX especificamente foi a forte aliança com a Igreja. A Igreja era peça mestra do sistema feudal e sua justificadora ideológica, sendo a principal intermediária entre o rei e seu populus, dando-lhe a posse do reino, por meio da cerimônia de sagração e unção. Rei símbolo do período medieval francês, Luís IX aglutinou elementos das três funções sociais, propostas por Adalberon de Laon no século XI, a saber, a dos oratores, bellatores e laboratores. Tornou-se santo trinta e sete anos após sua morte, contribuindo para legitimar a dinastia capetíngia proposta e representada por Filipe o Belo. / The goal of this work is to identify the royalty models in Louis IX, king of France from 1226 to 1270. The basis of analysis is mostly Jean de Joinvilles work named Histoire de Saint Louis. During this analysis, we verify the peculiarity of the source, a mirror of prince, medieval gender whose goal is to establish an ideal of royalty. Louis IX is traced as a king-pilgrim, a crusade that enlarged the king of God on the hearth. He is identified with the kingdom of Christ and the Imitatio Christi. In that work, Joinville, seneschal of Champagne, described the main facts of the kings life, recovered memories thirty years after his death. Written from 1305 to 1309, by request of Joan of Navarra (1270-1305), Philip Le Beauxwife (1268-1314), his goal would be to value the holy words and good accomplishments of the king, Saint Louis. We chosen that source mostly for its trace of private authority, since Joinville, as laic seneschal, friend and confident of the king, described, from a privileged point of view, a long period of his king and lords government. The strong alliance with the Church would be one of the main traces of the Capetingean monarchy. The Church was the master piece of the feudalism, as well as its ideological support. It was the main mediator between the king and his populus, by giving him the power towards the kingdom through the ceremony of crownement. King-symbol of the French Medieval Ages, Louis IX grouped elements of the three social functions of the XIth century, according to Adalberon de Laon: the oratores, the bellatores, and the laboratores. He was canonized thirty seven years after his death, supporting the legacy of Philip Le Beauxs capetingean dynasty.

Si la confrérie des Pauvres chevaliers du Christ est née en Terre sainte, l’ordre du Temple est né en Champagne. Créé par Hugues de Payns, seigneur champenois qui en devint le premier maître, favorisé par deux comtes (Hugues, devenu Templier, et Thibaud II qui assista au concile fondateur de l’ordre), conseillé par Bernard de Clairvaux (Bourguignon installé en Champagne), l’ordre du Temple est une émanation de l’aristocratie champenoise.Nous nous proposons d’étudier l’implantation de l’ordre du Temple en Champagne, à la croisée du renouveau monastique et d’un essor économique sans précédent.Nous étudierons aussi la nature du patrimoine que les Templiers réunirent autour de Troyes, capitale du comté, grâce à un réseau familial et aristocratique étroitement impliqué, le tout dans le contexte de croisades. / If the brotherhood of the Christ Knights Poor was born in the Holy Land, the Order of the Temple was born in Champagne.The Order was created by Hugues de Payns, a Champagne lord who became the first master, favored by two counts (Hugues became Templar and Thibaud II was one of the principals members of the founder Council of this order) and supervised by Bernard de Clairvaux.Templars were in fact a child of the Champagne’s aristocracy.So, I propose to study the implementation of the Templars in Champagne, at the crossroads of the monastic’s renewal and an unprecedented economic boom. I would study nature of Templars’s patrimony too, around Troyes, capital of the county, thanks to family’s and aristocratic’s networks, all in the context of the crusades.

There is no abstract available for this thesis. / Department of History

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request

Bien des sources chrétiennes relayées par des études des XIX et XXe siècles considèrent la domination des Lusignan en Chypre comme la manifestation d’un double affrontement interconfessionnel. Les rois latins auraient fait de l’île un refuge face à l’expansion de l’Islam avant d’avilir les autochtones Grecs en s’appuyant sur des « réfugiés conquérants », à savoir les Francs et leurs alliés chrétiens orientaux chassés du Proche-Orient. Mais à l’aune de l’écheveau migratoire de la Méditerranée orientale, sauf à exagérer l’impact de l’affrontement entre croisade et jihad, l’ampleur et la nature des migrations affectant Chypre entre 1192 et 1473 ne permettent pas de caractériser l’île par la notion de refuge chrétien: dans la continuité de migrations pluriséculaires Chypre demeure une terre d’accueil façonnée par des dynamiques réticulaires souvent étrangères aux logiques de confrontations interconfessionnelles. Le rôle de Chypre comme île refuge se lit mieux dans sa dimension de conservatoire des nations, lequel s’affirme au même rythme que s’érige une identité chypriote. La reconnaissance officielle de la singularité de chaque communauté peut parfois hiérarchiser la société au profit des seulsLatins : elle n’en fonde pas moins une organisation insulaire consensuelle, car en revêtant un tour intercommunautaire le débat social et identitaire prémunit des dynamiques assimilatrices et favorise l’intégration progressive de tous les Chypriotes aux affaires du royaume. L’île s’impose alors comme un refuge des cultures où une hyper-identité chypriote coiffe autant d’hypo-identités que Chypre compte de nations, permettant à tous les Kypriotes de vivre ensemble sans se confondre. / Many christian sources relieved by studies of the XIX and XXth centuries consider the Lusignan rule over Cyprus as the expression of a double interconfessional confrontation. Latin kings would have turned the island into a refuge in front of the expansion of the Islam before degrading the Greek natives by leaning on “conquering refugees”, namely Franks and theireastern christian allies, forced to flee the Middle East. But compared with the migratory hank of the oriental Mediterranean Sea, unless overstating the impact of the confrontation between crusade and jihad, the scale and the nature of the migrations regarding Cyprus between 1192 and 1473 do not allow to characterize the island by the notion of christian refuge: in the continuity of plurisecular migrations Cyprus remains a land of welcome shaped by reticular dynamics often extraneous to interconfessional confrontations. The role of Cyprus as refuge island is clearer in its dimension of nations conservatory, which asserts itself with the same rhythm as sets up itself a Cypriot identity. The official recognition of the singularity of every community can sometimes organize into a hierarchy the society for the benefit of the Latins only ones: but it founds a consensual island organization, because by taking on an intercommunity turn, the social and identity debate protects against assimilatrices dynamics and favours the progressive integration of all the Cypriots into the kingdom’s affairs. The island then stands out as a refuge of the cultures where a chypriote hyper-identity heads up so manyhypo-identities as Cyprus boasts nations, allowing all Kypriotes to live together without becoming confused.