En 1187, après près d’un siècle de domination sur Jérusalem, les Latins perdent la Ville sainte face aux armées de Saladin. L’événement produit un choc immédiat et d’une ampleur considérable en Occident, donnant lieu à des actions militaires, liturgiques, mais aussi à des élaborations littéraires et picturales spécifiques, poursuivies jusqu’aux dernières tentatives de reconquêtes de la Terre sainte au XIVe siècle. En partant de ces réactions face à la chute, ce travail se propose d’observer d’abord le rapport de la chrétienté latine à la perte de Jérusalem : l’impact qu’eut celle-ci en Occident, les discours et les images qui en sont nés, la mémoire qu’elle a généré et ses évolutions permettent de cerner, à côté du persistant désir de recouvrer les Lieux saints, les marques d’un regret de plus en plus affirmé à leur égard. Il s’agit aussi de voir en quoi cette nouvelle relation à la Ville sainte a pu modifier la perception de celle-ci. La revendication de la cité donne ainsi l’occasion aux Latins de repenser et de réaffirmer les liens qui unissent Jérusalem au christianisme et à la chrétienté, pour mieux en justifier la récupération et en réaffirmer l’importance dans le plan de salut chrétien. Dans le même temps, la nostalgie dont la cité fait l’objet tend à la ramener à une dimension plus mythique et plus symbolique encore, qui apparaît aussi comme un moyen pour les Latins de continuer de se réapproprier Jérusalem à travers son image, pour mieux en conjurer la perte. / In 1187, after nearly a century of Christian rule over Jerusalem, the Latins lost the Holy City to the army of Saladin. The fall triggered an instant, overwhelming reaction of shock in the West and led to military and liturgical action, as well as to the production of specific literary and pictorial depictions, which continued until the last attempts at recapturing the Holy Land in the 14th century. Through these representations, this thesis examines Latin Christianity’s response to the loss of Jerusalem: its impact in the West, the resulting discourses and images, and the evolving memory it created combine to indicate an increasingly vivid sense of regret. This new relationship with the Holy City also altered the way it was perceived. Indeed, laying claim to the city was a way for the Latins to reconsider and reaffirm Christianity’s ties to Jerusalem, and therefore justify attempts to recover it and assert its importance in Christian salvation. At the same time, the nostalgia the city inspires lends it a legendary, symbolic dimension; the latter offers the Latins a way to reclaim Jerusalem through its image, in order to ward off their loss.

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The thesis deals with the description and analysis of the various forms of relations between the Republic of Venice and the Kingdom of Cilicia in the period 1199-1175, during the existence of the kingdom. In introduction it provides a brief overview of the historical development of both states, with emphasis on common developmental stages in the mentioned period. The core analyzes primary sources of narrative and official character which reflect the relations of both states.

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This thesis deals with different narratives of the crusades found in czech high school history textbooks published during the 20th century. The paper shows various narrative strategies, use of languages and figures of speech that allow for many different points of view and a wide range of explanations of the same historical material. The paper is grounded in the historical narrativism paradigm and organized as follows: the first chapter introduces the theoretical background of narrativism, the second chapter deals with the theoretical approach to history textbooks and with the research that has gone into them. The third chapter offers analyses of all of the scrutinized history textbooks. The fourth and final chapter presents a synthesis spanning all the textbooks, looking for various recurring themes and phenomena.

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This thesis aims to revise the established history of the passage of the Second Crusade through the Byzantine Empire and Anatolia in 1147. In particular, it seeks to readdress the ill-fated advance of the army nominally headed by King Conrad III Staufen of Germany towards Ikonion, the fledging Seljuk capital of RÅ«m. The work consists of four mutually supportive parts. Part I serves to introduce the thesis, the historiographical trends of the current scholarship, and the Byzantine notion of the Latin 'barbarian', a stock, literary representation of the non-Greek other which distorts the Greek textual evidence. Part II analyses the source portrayal of particular incidents as the army marched through the Byzantine Empire, provides analyses of those events based on new approaches to interpreting the sources and a consideration of the army's logistical arrangements, and argues that the traditional historiography has been and continues to be subject to textual misrepresentation. An understanding of the topology of Anatolia is required to appreciate why the army failed to reach Ikonion. Part III therefore consists of chapters devoted to the geography of Anatolia, the form, function and the population density of the typical twelfth-century town, the country's changeable medieval geopolitical landscape, and the settlement patterns and the way of life of western Anatolia's pastoral-nomadic warriors. Part IV revisits the Latin, Syriac and Greek sources which constitute the written history of the crusade in Anatolia, analyses the concerns of the army's executive decision makers within geopolitical, logistical, topographical and tactical frameworks, and offers a reconsideration of the established location of where the army ceased to advance on Ikonion, and a new version of the circumstances which led to the decision to retreat.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’apporter un point de vue différent concernant les relations entre les Byzantins et les Latins, par rapport à l’historiographie byzantine traditionnelle qui les présente d’une manière linéaire : de l’entente et de la coopération à la grande hostilité, qui parvint à son comble en 1204 avec la prise de Constantinople par les croisés et qui persista jusqu'à la fin de Byzance. Cette étude se focalise sur l’analyse la plus fine possible des rapports et des perceptions des Byzantins à l’égard des Latins, qui varièrent en fonction des circonstances sur le plan politique, économique et culturel/religieux, des particularités géographiques, des classes sociales byzantines et des intérêts ou des liens individuels. Sa valeur ajoutée principale est la présentation exhaustive du sujet de l’esprit antilatin à Byzance dans son ensemble, à la fois en termes de composition de thèmes et de durée chronologique, couvrant tous les volets et tous les facteurs qui le forment et qui l’influencent, ainsi que toutes les périodes pendant lesquelles il subsiste. Elle dévoile que le pro-latinisme était bien présent au sein de la société byzantine concomitant à des tendances et des comportements d’antilatinisme et que les Latins étaient en réalité beaucoup plus appréciés par les Byzantins que ne le laissent entendre les sources byzantines de l'époque. / The aim of this thesis is to provide a different perspective on the relations between Byzantines and the Latins, compared with the traditional Byzantine historiography which presents them in a linear way: from harmony and cooperation to great hostility, which reached its height in 1204 with the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders and which persisted until the end of Byzantium. This study focuses on the finest analysis of the relations and perceptions of the Byzantines towards the Latins, which varied according to political, economic and cultural/religious circumstances, geographical particularities, byzantine social classes and individual interests or connections. Its main added value is the comprehensive presentation of the topic of the antilatin spirit in Byzantium as a whole, both in terms of the composition of themes and chronological duration, covering all the components and all the factors that form it and influence it, as well as all periods during which it persists. It reveals that pro-latinism was present in Byzantine society concomitant with tendencies and behaviors of antilatinism and that the Latins were in fact much more appreciated by the Byzantines than the byzantine sources of that time lead us to believe.