Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Ernane.pdf: 343643 bytes, checksum: 8b8b5c4c5ea63864317f2e111388dad7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-25 / This disertation deals with as the research object, the process of deploying of Pontão de Cultura do Tambor de Crioula de São Luís do Maranhão. This Pontão stems from a policy developed by the Ministry of Culture (MinC). In this sense, the research covers both the intangible aspect, in order to analyze the factors, cultural or otherwise, that contribute and / or hinder the implementation of this policy as well as the tangible, referring to the Casa do Pontão de Cultura, which is located in a townhouse in historic Praia Grande, in the Historic Centre of São Luís. For the research subjects were considered, such as leaders of groups of Tambor de Crioula; researchers to develop studies on the subject, representatives of cultural institutions and bodies that are directly and indirectly involved with the deployment of Pontão de Cultura do Tambor de Crioula in São Luis. This last group stand out representatives of the Institute of Historical and Artistic Heritage (IPHAN), the Ministry of Culture (Secma); Municipal Foundation of Culture (FUNC), as well as Tambor de Crioula associations of existing barrel. The investigation was conducted from the perspective of interpretive culture of Antonio Gramsci and the dialectical materialism of Karl Marx, articulated the analytical categories proposed by Clifford Geertz, Néstor García Canclini and Ozanira Maria da Silva and Silva. / Esta dissertação aborda, como objeto de investigação, o processo de implantação do Pontão de Cultura do Tambor de Crioula em São Luís do Maranhão. Este Pontão origina-se de uma política desenvolvida pelo Ministério da Cultura (MinC). Neste sentido, a pesquisa abrange tanto o aspecto intangível, no sentido de analisar os fatores, culturais ou não, que contribuem e/ou dificultam a implementação dessa política, bem como o tangível, referente à Casa do Pontão de Cultura, que se localiza em um casarão histórico na Praia Grande, Centro Histórico de São Luís. Para a pesquisa foram considerados sujeitos, tais como lideranças de grupos de Tambor de Crioula; pesquisadores que desenvolvam trabalhos sobre o tema; representantes de instituições e órgãos culturais que estejam envolvidos direta e indiretamente com a implantação do Pontão de Cultura do Tambor de Crioula em São Luís. Deste último grupo destacam-se representantes do Instituto de Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (IPHAN); da Secretaria de Estado da Cultura (SECMA); da Fundação Municipal de Cultura (FUNC), bem como das associações de Tambor de Crioula existentes. A investigação foi conduzida com base na perspectiva interpretativa de cultura de Antonio Gramsci e no materialismo dialético de Karl Marx, articulada às categorias analíticas propostas por Clifford Geertz, Néstor Garcia Canclini e Maria Ozanira da Silva e Silva.

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SilvaJunior_JoseAntonioFerreirada_M.pdf: 1700054 bytes, checksum: 09c1830a8d95d190c305110e85ba4e6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho procura levantar e mapear discussões e debates político-culturais da segunda metade do século XX em Cuba, nas primeiras décadas da Revolução Cubana. A difusão de periódicos e impressos contribuiu para uma circulação diferenciada de ideias e discursos, envolvendo sujeitos históricos em diferentes dinâmicas entre o político e o cultural. Os intelectuais encontraram nesse tipo de meio de comunicação um espaço de expressão e engajamento com o processo revolucionário. A revista cubana Casa de las Américas se constituiu como centro de uma rede intelectual, a partir da qual se construiu e se difundiu um discurso revolucionário. Nossa proposta é partir desta revista, como objeto e fonte histórica, para aproximarmo-nos das ideias e noções conformadas entre intelectuais relacionados com o imaginário esquerdista da América Latina nos anos 1960 e 1970. Um dos nossos temas principais é a conformação de discursos identitários na revista. Defendemos que as identidades construídas discursivamente por Casa fazem parte da concepção que a própria revista tinha sobre sua atuação no processo revolucionário. Também, a questão em torno do papel do letrado é aqui analisada por nós. A publicação deu suporte para a formação de um discurso que valorizou e favoreceu uma estética e uma concepção de intelectual específicas para cumprir o que era visto como revolucionário. Devido à importância e à vigência que Casa estabelece para José Martí (1853-1895), as formas de discussão e apropriação da vida e obra deste letrado cubano figuram também em nossa argumentação, destacando mecanismos discursivos e formas de apropriação da história de Cuba. Dessa forma, passando por alguns temas político-culturais da revista, pretendemos abordar a história da esquerda latino-americana e da conformação de seu imaginário / Abstract: This work discusses and analyses the political and cultural debates during the first decades of the Cuban Revolution in the second half of the 20th century. In this context the dissemination of printed journals had contributed for the exchange of ideas and discourses, allowing the historical subjects to be immersed in a variety of political and cultural dynamics. Intellectuals found a space for expression and engagement with the revolutionary process in this type of media. The Cuban cultural journal Casa de las Américas was the center of an intellectual network from which the revolutionary discourse was built and spread. With the analysis of this journal we intend to get closer to the ideas and concepts that were being created and used by the Latin American leftist intellectuals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of our main themes is the conformation of identity discourses in the journal Casa de las Américas. The importance of the figure of the intellectual is another focused subject. We argue that the identities constructed discursively by this cultural journal are part of the design that the magazine itself had on its performance in the revolutionary process. The publication gave support to the formation of a discourse that valued and promoted a specific aesthetic and conception of intellectual which would fulfill what was seen as revolutionary. The important role that was reserved for José Martí (1853-1895) in Casa justifies our analysis of how his life and works were discussed and presented in the journal, emphasizing the discursive mechanisms and the different forms of appropriation of Cuban history. Thus, with the analysis of some political and cultural themes from Casa we intend to study the history of Latin-American left and the conformation of its imaginary / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

Syftet med denna studie är att kartlägga organisationskultur inom folkrörelseorganisationer samt att undersöka dess eventuella förändringar under påverkan av kulturpolitiken. Denna studie tillämpar Geert Hofstedes teorier som behandlar olika nivåer och dimensioner av organisationskultur. Studien behandlar värderingar, ritualer, hjältar och symboler inom varje organisation i fråga i ett sammanhang av organisatoriska praktiker som meningsbärande kulturella uttryck. Studien har genomförts med ett kvalitativt angreppssätt där semistrukturerade intervjuer utförts med hjälp av ett bekvämlighetsrvalsstrategi. Datainsamlingen har genomförts genom personliga intervjuer med fyra medarbetare på två folkrörelseorganisationer i Stockholm d.v.s. ABF och Riksteatern. De valda Organisationerna är verksamma inom olika verksamhetsområde och respondenterna har jobbat i varierande positioner och har fleråriga arbetserfarenheter. Intervjuerna spelades in efter beviljat tillstånd och säkerställandet av respondenternas anonymitet. En innehållsanalys genomfördes efter transkribering av inspelat material i form av citat och egna tolkningar. Studien behandlar också en del sekundärdata i form av historisk information om folkrörelsernas samhälleliga rötter och utvecklingsprocess. Studien visar en ständigt pågående omorganiseringsprocess inom folkrörelseorganisationer vilket orsakat signifikanta förändringar inom folkrörelsernas organisationskultur. Konflikten mellan folkrörelsernas ideella logiker och kulturpolitikens kvalitetslogik uppträder i organisationskulturen på olika sätt. ABF:s kärnvärderingar nämligen hjälpsamhet, jämlikhet och högt arbetsengagemang anses vara mindre aktuella idag. Hjälpsamhet och jämlikhet ligger också till grund för Riksteaterns demokratiseringsverksamhet och anses fortfarande vara aktuella i organisationen. När det gäller ABF har vi funnit att organisationen har utvecklat en professionell och icke-normativ organisationskultur med stränga kontrollmekanismer och stor fokus på arbetsutförande och processansvar i ett slut organisationssystem. Stränga kontrollmekanismer anses vara ett resultat av kulturpolitikens krav på ökad internkontroll och kvalitetssäkring. Studien visar att Riksteatern har utvecklat en komplex mångsidig organisationskultur som finns i två sammanhängande lager. En lokal, personalinriktad och normativ arbetskrets som omger sig med professionella, resultatinriktade och pragmatiska medarbetare. Detta leder till en normativ organisationskultur som erbjuder pragmatiska lösningar i syfte att kunna leva upp till kulturdepartementets krav på hög kvalitet, resurseffektivitet och antalet besökare. Det finns en tendens mot professionalism och pragmatism inom båda organisationerna. Detta kan bero på att båda organisationerna är ekonomiskt beroende av statliga bidrag och därför ska leva upp till kulturpolitikens kvalitetskrav. Detta ledde också till svagt normativt engagemang och ett slags samhällelig passivitet. Vi har också funnit att betoningen på kvantitativ utvärdering inte är en fungerande strategi för utvärdering av ideell kulturverksamhet. Istället har detta orsakat paradoxala uppdrag och identitetsförvirring inom organisationerna enligt våra respondenter. / The purpose of this paper is to provide a systematic description of the organizational culture in social movement organizations in Sweden and also to investigate its possible changes under the impact of cultural policy. The following study has been done using Geert Hofstede’s theories on different levels and dimensions of organizational culture. The study explores the organizational values, rituals, heroes and symbols in the context of organizational practices to be examined as meaningful cultural representations. This study has been done based on qualitative research method using semi-structured interviews and convenience sampling strategy for data collection. The data has been collected through personal interviews with four employees from two social movement organizations in Stockholm and from different areas of practice; The Swedish National Touring Theatre (Riksteatern) and The Workers’ Educational Association (ABF). The respondents have been working in variety of positions and have many years of experience. The interviews have been recorded as audio files after granting permission and ensuring the respondents’ anonymity to be preserved. A content analysis has been done following the transcription of the recorded material in the form of quotes and interpretations. Secondary data has been also used in the form of historical information regarding the origins of Swedish social movements and their development process. Our study shows that there is a constantly ongoing reorganization process in the Swedish social movements which has caused significant changes in the social movements’ organizational culture. The conflict between the logic of the social movements and the quality-oriented logic of the Swedish cultural policy emerges in the organizational culture in different ways. ABF’s core values such as benevolence, equality and high work engagement are considered to be less relevant in the current organizational culture. Benevolence and equality are also the core values of Riksteatern and are still considered to be relevant in the current organizational culture. When it comes to ABF, we have found that the organization has developed a professional and pragmatic organizational culture with strict control mechanisms and huge focus on task performance and processes in a closed-system organization. The strict control mechanisms are considered to be the result of the Swedish cultural policy’s requirements regarding internal control and quality assurance. The study shows that Riksteatern has developed a complex multidimensional organizational culture which exists in two interrelated layers. A local, employee-oriented and normative work circle surrounded by professional, result-oriented and pragmatic coworkers. This leads to a normative organizational culture which offers pragmatic solutions in order to be able to meet the ministry of culture’s requirements regarding high quality, resource efficiency and visitor numbers. There’s a tendency towards professionalism and pragmatism in both organizations. This might depend on the fact that both organizations are economically dependent to public funds and therefore are required to meet the cultural policy’s quality requirements. This leads also to a low normative engagement and societal passivity. We have also found that the emphasis on the quantitative evaluation ad revision is not an effective strategy to evaluate nonprofit cultural organization. Instead, this strategy has caused paradoxical missions and confusion regarding organizational identity, according to our respondents.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La nécessité d'une politique culturelle, aujourd'hui au Maroc, s'impose tant au niveau politique que social. Il est urgent que s'élabore une vision d'ensemble cohérente, respectant les engagements pris par le Maroc au lendemain du printemps arabe, à travers la nouvelle constitution de 2011, en raison d'une pratique artistique qui tire ses origines de la période située avant l'indépendance. Le parcours qu'ont connu les différents arts, parmi lesquels le théâtre a joué un rôle important, a dessiné un paysage culturel diversifié, et actuellement conscient de la nécessité de conduire un projet politique que pourraient adopter les différents acteurs institutionnels. L'État a en effet la responsabilité de définir, de soutenir, mais surtout de protéger le secteur culturel. Le choix de la pratique théâtrale, comme principal outil d'analyse du secteur culturel, vient de sa nature éminemment sociale, qui lui a permis d'être proche d'un public marocain, à la fois populaire et savant, mais notre approche prend plus largement en compte ce qui relève de l'art et de la culture au Maroc. / The urgent requisite for a cultural policy in Morocco imposes itselt today with unrivalled expectancy on both political and social planes. Owing to an artistic practice whose origins hark back to the period prior to lndependence, it is indeed urgent to develop an overall coherent vision that highly esteems the commitments pledged by Morocco shortly after the Arab Spring through the new constitution of 2011. The course that the various arts have known, including the theater that has played an important role, has drawn various and sundry cultural landscapes, and is now mindful of the need to lead a political project which yet various institutional actors could adopt. Actually, the state has the responsibility to define, support, and, more importantly, protect the cultural sector. The choice of the histrionic praxis, which elbows itself as the most significant toolkit of overhauling the cultural sector, tends to corne from its eminent social nature, which grants it the privilege of getting closer to popular and scholarly pulses of the Moroccan public. Our approach here takes much more into account than what is an art and culture in Morocco.

This thesis analyses the public art competitions arranged by the Public Art Agency Sweden (Statens konstråd) 1937-1970 and the discussions about public art competitions in within the art field of the 1940’s, -50’ and -60’s. The main material for this analysis has been the protocols of the Public Art Agency and the annual paper of the Swedish Artists' National Organization (Konstnärernas riksorganisation). The theoretical and methodological framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu’s understanding of the art field, and institutions as agents within that field. I also use Foucauldian discourse theory as another theoretical tool to understand the power relations between these institutions in the art field. My aim has been to understand why there were competitions for public art commissions – the purposes, the processes, the discussions and how these factors change over the decades. The purpose for public art competition can be understood through the ideology of the Swedish welfare state and the cultural policy of the Social Democratic government in the 1930’s. The public art competitions could support the Swedish artists economically, but was also a way for the Swedish Government, through the Public Art Agency, to control and guarantee that the public artworks were of high artistic quality. This idea of artistic quality became more and more dominant as a purpose for the competitions through the 1950’s and 1960’s.  The artists active in the Swedish Artists' National Organization found the competitions to be of great importance and the competitions were much discussed in the organisations annual paper. Many of the artists that discussed the artist competitions were of the same generation born in the 1910’s or 1920’s and were working with public art commissions to a great extent. For them, the public art competitions gave recognition and a possible income. My analysis also shows that the public art competitions were also connected to the concept of modernism. The status of the competitions changed along with the changing concept of modernism. The competition was at its highest status in the 1930’s and 1940’s, when many artists were engaged in public art commissions. It became less popular among young artists in the 1960’s, when the art field was more politically radical and critical against authorities.

L'objet de cette thèse est une étude de cas d'un ensemble de production cinématographique polonaise dans la période communiste des années 1970 - TOR (Kieslowski, Zanussi, Rozewicz). Cette recherche met en avant l'autonomie créatrice de l'auteur-cinéaste face aux bouleversements de la politique culturelle qui a déterminé la production cinématographique dans un pays non-démocratique, à savoir la Pologne populaire des années 1970. La filmographie de TOR est homogène et ses films communiquent un discours d’auteur sur les thématiques existentielles et morales où l’individu occupe une place centrale. Comment a-t-il été possible de produire des films mettant l’individu au centre dans un pays où régnait un discours officiel exaltant le collectif ? / The main subject of this thesis is a case study of Polish cinematographic production under the communist period in the 1970's called TOR (Kieslowski, Zanussi, Rozewicz). This research points out the author-filmmaker's creative autonomy confronted to the Cultural Policy upheavals which have determined film production in a non - democratic country : Polish People's Republic in the 1970s. The TOR filmography is homogeneous and its movies transmit the author-filmmaker's point of view about the existential and moral matters while the individual occupies the central place. How was it possible to produce films focused on the individual in a country where the political class and its collective policy occupied the central place?

This thesis explores how the Institut für Literatur ‘Johannes R. Becher’, an East German institution for the training of writers, negotiated tensions that arose from the conflicting demands between literary and political values. The Institute had the objective to foster emerging literary talents according to the socialist ideal of a working writer, but often found students and staff drawn towards more autonomous literary values that were incompatible with the views of the East German Socialist Unity Party. As a result, the Institute’s practices fluctuated between toeing the party line and pursuing literary ambitions. An overview of the existing scholarship shows that the Institute and its function have been highly politicised and hardly subjected to analyses that allow for a more nuanced appraisal of its practices. As a result, the study of the Institut has not been able to transcend the binary differentiation between assent and dissent and the Institute is either presented as a liberal haven or an orthodox academy with little artistic value. This thesis addresses this issue by applying Bourdieu’s’ theory of cultural production, more specifically his notion of field, capital and habitus, to the study of the Becher Institute. Three case studies that form the core of this dissertation investigate how cultural capital in its institutionalised, embodied, and objectified form was accumulated, converted and exchanged by the Institute, how it tried to reconcile the tensions between cultural policy and creative aspirations and how these tensions affected the Institute’s common habitus. The first case study will show how the Institute’s founding shaped the institutionalised capital it represented and question the importance that has been attributed to prominent political figures during the founding process. The second case study examines the role of the lecturer and the influence their embodied capital had on the Institute. Two lecturers, working writer Werner Bräunig and poet Georg Maurer, and their representation of the Institute’s multiple habitus will be the focus of the analysis. The third and final case study is dedicated to objectified cultural capital in the form of the Institute’s publications during the 1970s. The Institute’s orthodox publications have so far been overlooked by scholars in favour of its more controversial literary output, which gives a misleading impression of the Institute’s literary output that I aim to amend. By developing a sociological framework for the study of the Institute, this thesis is able to investigate the Institute and its practices as a social and literary space under the watchful eye of the Socialist Unity Party, without denying its pedagogical and cultural dimensions. The findings will reveal a deeply conflicted institution that struggled throughout its existence to resolve the tensions between literary ambitions and political restraints as well as the contradictions within the literary field itself.

Genre prestigieux héritier d’une longue tradition, la peinture d'histoire connaît de multiples évolutions tout au long du XIXe siècle. Sous le Second Empire, régime longtemps affecté par sa « légende noire », ce genre restait encore à définir. Il présente des caractéristiques qui l’inscrivent véritablement dans son siècle, tout en lui conférant une originalité : émanation de la peinture d'histoire et de ses mutations dans la première moitié du siècle, précurseur de sa reformulation sous la Troisième République, la peinture d'histoire sous le Second Empire est marquée par la singularité. L’étude des représentations de l’histoire peintes entre 1860 et 1870 en est révélatrice. D’emblée, la corrélation entre les créations et le terme même de « peinture d'histoire » pose question. En effet, tout en se maintenant dans un sujet classique (historique), ces « peintures à sujet historique » se rapprochent tour à tour de la peinture de genre et du genre historique, et sont contaminées par le réalisme et le goût de la couleur locale. Si l’expression académique de « peinture d'histoire » convient encore à la peinture de bataille, cette dernière subit aussi les assauts de la modernité et connaît une mutation sous la forme spécifique de la peinture militaire. La démarche des peintres de sujets historiques présente des récurrences. Un important travail préparatoire, à partir de textes, de sources voire de découvertes archéologiques, est mis au service de reconstitutions positivistes des événements, permettant de susciter l’intérêt du public. Le choix des sujets varie selon les intentions : édifier le spectateur, montrer un passé idéalisé utilisé comme répertoire de sujets émouvants, ou encore exposer une idéologie. Au-delà de la dimension historiciste d’éducation par le passé national, ces œuvres donnent à voir un certain état de la pensée historique, des principaux courants d’idées qui ont influencé les peintres. Plus encore, ces derniers véhiculent et diffusent une conception de l’histoire qui rejaillit sur leur présent par l’intermédiaire de la presse et de l’illustration, et ils contribuent ainsi à construire l’image qui va s’ancrer dans les mémoires. Support traditionnel de propagande et de « fabrication » du pouvoir, la peinture d’histoire conduit à se poser la question des pratiques culturelles du gouvernement du Second Empire. L’instrumentalisation de l’image par l’État est réelle, mais se cantonne aux peintures de bataille et aux figurations du faste impérial. Napoléon III, dans sa politique d’acquisition, s’adapte aux créations plus qu’il ne les génère. En revanche, il exerce une influence indirecte : la mise en scène de sa personne, du couple impérial et de ses goûts historiques, offre une série de thèmes exploités par les peintres. La peinture à sujet historique n’est pas instrumentalisée dans le cadre des envois de l’État. Les élites locales jouent un rôle essentiel dans le développement de ce genre : municipalités et Sociétés savantes, édiles et érudits encouragent les créations sur l’histoire nationale ou locale. La représentation de l’histoire entre 1860 et 1870 donne à voir la place primordiale de l’histoire, dans ses aspects savants et populaires, à échelle nationale et locale, inspirée par le sentiment d’attachement à la « petite patrie » comme à la nation / Prestigious genre, heir to a long tradition, the history painting experiences multiple evolutions throughout the 19th century. Under the Second Empire, for a long time a regime marked by its "black legend", the genre still remained to be defined. Its characteristics fix it deeply in its century, while conferring it an originality : an emanation of the history painting and its transformations in the first half of the century, a precursor of its reformulation under the Third Republic, the history painting under the Second Empire is marked by its singularity. The study of the representations of history painted between 1860 and 1870 is revealing there. Straightaway, the correlation between the creations and the term of "history painting" raises questions. Indeed, while remaining in a classic subject (history), these "paintings on historic subject" get closer alternately to the genre painting and the historic genre, and are contaminated by the realism and the interest in the local colour. If the academic expression of "history painting" still suits for the painting of battle, the latter is also touched by the modernity and transformed into military painting. The approach of the painters of historic subjects presents recurrences. An important preparatory work, on texts, sources, even archaeological discoveries, is put in the service of positivist reconstructions of the events, in order to raise the interest of the public. The choice of the subjects varies according to the intentions: educate the spectator, show an idealised past used as directory of moving scenes, or develop an ideology. Beyond the historicist dimension of education about the national past, these pieces of art show a certain state of the historic thought, the main currents of ideas that influenced the painters. Moreover, the latter convey and spread a conception of history that reaches the contemporary through the press and the illustration, and so they contribute to build the image that will be anchored in the memory. A traditional mean of propaganda and "manufacturing" of the power, the history painting raises the question of the cultural practices of the government of the Second Empire. The instrumentalisation of the image by the State is real, but is restricted to the paintings of battle and of the imperial splendour. Napoleon III, in his acquisition policy, adapts himself to the creations more than he generates them. On the other hand, he exercises an indirect influence: the staging of his person, the imperial couple and its tastes in history, offer a series of themes exploited by the painters. The painting of historic subject is not instrumentalised within the framework of the envois of the State. The local elites play an essential role in the development of this genre: municipalities and Learned societies, town councillors and scholars encourage creations on national or local history. The representation of the history between 1860 and 1870 reveals the essential place of history, in its erudite and popular aspects, on a national and local scale, inspired by the feeling of attachment to the "small homeland" as well as the nation.