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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Luiz Carreri.pdf: 3100746 bytes, checksum: fc7c653ceec0237004f3aeda95c07706 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objective of this thesis is the study of socialist thought from Oswald de Andrade, especially the transition experienced by the writer from the 1930s, with the crisis of capitalism, and the attachment of the writer to the PCB (Partido Comunista do Brasil). As a mark of intonation, he articulated a network of intellectuals and militants to the newspaper's composition O Homem do Povo, in the cultural and political environment of São Paulo. The main object of investigation of this research are the tensions and conflicts in the intellectual field of modernism, along the contribution of the structure notion of sense from Raymond Williams and the Antonio Gramsci s concept of hegemony. It stands out, for this analysis, the Oswald positioning in relation to Integralism and the Constitutionalist Revolution speeches, emphasizing his language, combining Marxism and Antropophagy Art, in a genuine proposal of thinking about identity, culture and politics, realized in fragments collected in novels, manifestos, memories and press from his time. The gathered assumptions in the survey call into question the effectiveness of their proposals and the limitations of their contributions in construction of his intellectual and political project / O objetivo desta tese é o estudo do pensamento socialista de Oswald de Andrade, destacando-se a transição vivida pelo escritor a partir da década de 1930 com a crise do capitalismo e a adesão do escritor ao PCB. Como marco da inflexão, articulou uma rede de intelectuais e militantes para a edição do jornal O Homem do Povo, no ambiente cultural e político de São Paulo. O principal objeto de investigação desta pesquisa são as tensões e os conflitos no campo intelectual do modernismo, com aporte da noção de estrutura de sentimento de Raymond Williams e o conceito de hegemonia de Antonio Gramsci. Destaca-se, para análise, o posicionamento de Oswald em relação aos discursos do Integralismo e da Revolução Constitucionalista, evidenciando-se sua linguagem, que combina o Marxismo e a Antropofagia, em uma proposta original de se pensar a identidade, a cultura e a política, percebida em fragmentos colhidos em romances, manifestos, memórias e imprensa de sua época. As hipóteses levantadas na pesquisa põem em questão a eficácia de suas propostas e as limitações de suas intervenções na construção de seu projeto intelectual e político

Il lavoro riguarda alcuni aspetti ancora non molto studiati della personalità intellettuale di John Henry Newman, vale a dire la proposta di una cultura cristiana alternativa alla secolarizzazione in ambito educativo e socio-politico, così come si sviluppò durante il corso della sua vita: il giudizio dato da Newman sull'antico regime inglese è il tema del primo capitolo; la riflessione degli ultimi anni oxoniensi e dei primi anni successivi alla conversione (il ruolo del cristianesimo e del cattolicesimo nella cultura inglese) è il tema del secondo successivo; la proposta educativa così come emerge degli scritti sull'Università è il tema del terzo capitolo; alla riflessione sul compito Stato e sui fondamenti della politica è infine dedicato il quarto capitolo. / The work considers some aspects (not so studied yet) of the intellectual personality of John Henry Newman, that is the Christian cultural proposal alternative to the secularization in education, and in the social and political field, as it was developed during his life: the topic of the first chapter is Newman's opinion about the ancien regime; in the second chapter we study the reflection of the last Oxonian years and of the first years after his conversion (the role of Christianity and of Catholicism in English culture); the third chapter regards the educative proposal, as it develops from the writings on University onwards; the fourth chapter is dedicated to the reflections on the role of the State and on the foundations of politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-10-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:23:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 zioli_m_dr_assis.pdf: 908654 bytes, checksum: c240127f70a25d864950ade88aaefbae (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Em tempos de guinada subjetiva no território das ciências humanas, Beatriz Sarlo lembra que vozes marginais em modos de narração antes ignorados, como os diários e as memórias, demandam novas exigências de métodos. Consideradas durante muito tempo pelos historiadores mais tradicionais como documentos pouco objetivos, as chamadas “narrativas do eu”, como memórias, autobiografias, diários, cartas, relatos de viagens, entre outros, têm atraído a atenção dos historiadores como fonte da história. Paul Ricoeur, em A memória, a história e o esquecimento, sugere um novo olhar para esse material. Segundo o pensador francês, é fato que toda memória individual ganha forma na memória coletiva. A novidade de sua reflexão, entretanto, está na introdução de um terceiro conceito que ele denomina os próximos: uma espécie de filtro entre a memória pessoal e a coletiva. Esses próximos seriam representados pela família, pela escola, pela geração, pelo grupo de sociabilidade, pelos amigos ou pelas leituras que contribuem para que o próximo seja uma réplica da amizade, a philia, a meio caminho entre o indivíduo e o cidadão. Inspirado por essas questões, o presente trabalho propõe uma leitura das Memórias do jornalista Paulo Duarte (1899-1984) publicadas em dez tomos entre 1974 e 1980, tomadas como fonte da história. Advogado, editor, tradutor, professor universitário, enólogo, ao transfigurar-se em memorialista Paulo Duarte narrou sua formação intelectual, as atividades políticas e culturais das décadas de 1920 e 1930, em especial os bastidores da criação do Departamento de Cultura de São Paulo, sua atuação na Assembléia Legislativa paulista, os dois períodos de exílio e a intransigente oposição ao governo Vargas. Esses escritos memorialísticos travam com as memórias produzidas por seus contemporâneos uma batalha simbólica pelo passado... / In times of a subjective turn in Human Sciences, Beatriz Sarlo states that „secondary‟ voices and the way they are put, such as diaries and memoirs, demand new approaches and method. Considered for a long time as a less objective document by traditional historicians, „first person-based‟ narrative texts like memoirs, autobiography, diaries, letters, as many others, have attracted attention as a source of History. Paul Ricoeur, in A memória, a história e o esquecimento, suggests a new point of view to this material. According to him, it is a fact that all individual memory gets new shape in collective memoirs. Otherwise what is new about his reflection is a third concept called for him „the next‟: a sort of filter between personal and collective memoirs. This „next‟ would be the family, education, generation, social group, friends or the interpretation that together contribute to make this character a reproduction of friendship, the philia, half-path between the individual and the citizen. Based on this, the present work purposes a special lecture of Memórias from Brazilian journalist Paulo Duarte (1899-1984), published in ten volumes between 1974 and 1980, as a source of History. Being a lawyer, editor, translator, university teacher, enologist and turning into a writer of memoirs, Paulo Duarte recorded his intellectual path, cultural and political activities in the 1920s-1930s, specially the background of the Culture Department of São Paulo foundation, his participation in the legislative assembly of São Paulo and his two periods of exile due to the opposition to Getúlio Vargas intransigent rule. His writings dialogue with other contemporary personalities... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como, ao longo das décadas de 1960 e 70, artistas ligados à canção engajada conceberam projetos de integração da América Latina por meio da canção, e como esses projetos resultaram no estabelecimento de uma série de conexões transnacionais. Neste período, os impactos da Guerra Fria tiveram como consequência um contexto político fortemente polarizado, o que afetou diretamente o campo cultural e, especialmente, o campo artístico. As experiências políticas comuns favoreceram as trocas de ideias e a intensa circulação de artistas por todo o continente, permitindo o estabelecimento de uma série de contatos e diálogos. Utilizando como fonte principal a discografia dos mais destacados artistas de cada país, o objetivo á analisar essa história de conexões transnacionais na canção engajada latino-americana focalizando três fases distintas: a) a primeira, entre 1963 e 1966, momento de formação e consolidação dos movimentos de nueva canción no Cone Sul, em que o engajamento se manifestou fundamentalmente por meio da crítica social; b) a segunda, entre 1967 e 1969, marcada pelos impactos do I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta, realizado em Cuba, que resultou no destaque de dois temas importantes: a revolução e o anti-imperialismo; c) a terceira, que compreende a década de 1970, período marcado pela radicalização dos discursos políticos, pela intensificação das conexões e também pelas tentativas de inserção dos artistas brasileiros nos circuitos da canção engajada latino-americana. / The objective of this research is to analyze the Latin America integration project conceived by the artists involved with the protest song in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, the impact of Cold War resulted in a polarized debate that affected the cultural field, and especially the artistic field. The common political experiences favored the exchange of ideas and the intense movement of artists across the continent. Using the most prominent artists discography as source, the purpose is to analyze three moments of the history of \"transnational connections\" in the protest song in Latin American: a) the first, between 1963 and 1966, time of development and consolidation of nueva canción movement in the Southern Cone, when the engagement was manifested fundamentally by social criticism; b) the second, between 1967 and 1969, marked by the impact of the I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta held in Cuba, that highlighted two important themes: revolution and anti-imperialism; c) the third, which comprises the 1970s, a period marked by the radicalization of political discourse and by the intensification of connections. Especially in this third phase, I analyze the Brazilian artists efforts to integrate the circuits of Latin American protest song.

Lancashire redefined popular politics and national identity in its own image. The perceived threat of invasion by Napoleon, together with the Irish Rebellion, sustained the evolution in extra-parliamentary politics that had begun in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The meanings and principles of 'radicalism,' 'loyalism' and 'Britain' continued to be debated and contested in 1798-1812. Elite loyalism became even more exclusive, developing into the Orange movement. Radicals remained silent until the Napoleonic invasion scares had faded and opportunities arose for renewed vocal criticisms of government foreign and economic policy from 1806. Conflicts re- emerged between radicals and loyalists in the middle classes and gentry which provided the training for a new generation of postwar radical leaders and the popularity of the free trade campaign. Inhabitants of Lancashire felt British in reaction to the French and Irish, but it was a Lancashire Britishness. Political identities and actions followed national patterns of events but were always marked with a regional stamp. This was in part because most political movements were held together by a shared 'sense of place' rather than vague notions of class-consciousness or shared class identity. A sense of place manifested itself in the regional organisation of strikes, petitions and the Orange institution. Furthermore, it could also entail a common bitter or defiant provincialism against the government or monarchy. In an atmosphere of anti-corruption and a growing desire for peace, this provincial frustration ironically brought professed loyalists closer to radicalism in campaigns against the Orders in Council and other government policies. Provincialism and other elements of regional identity ensured that any ideas of Britishness were tempered through local concerns and allegiances, but an identity with the nation that was not an acquiescent acceptance of national tropes and stereotypes. Lancashire Britishness was commercial, manufacturing, and above all, independent from homogenisation and the impositions of government.

This thesis is an ethnographic and gender-sensitive account of the identities urban Palestinian youth perform through their self-defined ‘alternative’ scene-based musical practices in the post-Oslo era. Departing from the problematic that Palestinian folkloric identity and/or the classical Palestinian national resistance paradigm dominate studies of popular and expressive musics in the Palestinian context, I ask instead how scene affiliates’ musical practices do, or do not do, political work, and in what way – if even at all – these relate to the nation, resistance, and Palestinianness. My approach is ‘bottom-up’ and qualitative, drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork in the interdependent cities of Ramallah (1967/West Bank), Haifa (1948/modern-day Israel), and Amman (Jordan). I carried out sixty-four in-depth interviews and fifteen focus groups with young musicians, bands, audience members, fans, DJs, beat-makers, emcees, producers, party planners, bar and club owners, and other related persons in the scene; as well as over eighty participant observations at concerts, parties, gigs, raves, and bars scenesters frequent. I conclude that their musics perform political work contingently, shifting according to the narratives and practices research lenses focus on, as well as the institutional and geopolitical backdrops hosting them. I argue that in a local Palestinian context, musics perform political, anti-colonial work beyond, and sometimes even against, the classical national resistance paradigm. Given Oslo’s failed ‘peace’ process, scene-affiliates critique the Palestinian Authority (PA), its institutionalisation of the national movement, and territorially-based two-state solution, re-drawing their community instead on the regional lines of bilad al-sham. However, while politicised content is foreground, it is not the only issue youth are concerned with. Many are reluctant to narrow their aesthetic positionalities to political frames, instead pushing musics’ social role as a site of conviviality where new (gendered and other) identities are imagined and enacted. Since Palestine’s globalising ‘turn’ in part enabled these emerging identities and social contexts, leisure and consumption play central roles in their embodiment. Hybrid and translocal in formation, scenesters use localised tropes of Palestinianness (dabke dancing, wedding musics), and globalised ‘hip’ fashions (tattoos, androgynous dress), musics (psy-trance, electro, reggae, hip-hop), and social practices (clubbing, raving, bar-hopping) to perform their imaginaries of alterity. Such translocalisms uncouple Palestinianness from Palestinian national identity, upholding Palestinian particularity while making room for internal differences. However, shifting research focus to a transnational context, I contend that when musicians are branded to London, their self-representations, or the representations their international hosts make of them, often foreground the national resistance, and/or folklorising identity paradigms disavowed locally. Reducing their complex subjectivities to narrow national-territorial frames, in this global circuit of consumption, Palestinian cultural practices perform British multicultural tolerance to ‘ethnic’ otherness on international stages. This, I argue, highlights that Palestinian musics’ reiteration of the nation, resistance, and/or Palestinianness often stems from the operation of geopolitical power, more than the musical content itself. My core argument in the thesis thus is twofold. Firstly, I make the case that scencesters’ musical practices express and enable neither merely resistance, nor solely submisson to the intwertwined status quos of settler-colonial occupation and neoliberal hegemony. Their musics are instead important sites of modest meaning-making. Moving beyond the revolution/co-optation binary reveals scenesters’ everyday and situated negotiations with various political and social powers. Secondly, I argue that since the transnational political economy of images often shapes how Palestinian musics travel in international spaces, we need not ask what Palestinian musics convey, but rather, why we are invited to take up a particular rendering of Palestinian art and culture, and – importantly – what can this tell us about the operation of geopolitical power translocally? Adopting transnational and translocal lenses to analyse how power shapes and normalises conceptualisations of Palestinian musics, my thesis thus calls for the need to see Palestinian cultural production beyond narrow national frames, and position it instead in the global contexts that inform, and are informed by, such aesthetic practices.

Orientador: Tânia Regina de Luca / Banca: Antonio Celso Ferreira / Banca: Sílvia Maria Azevedo / Banca: Noé Freire Sandes / Banca: Marli Guimarães Hayashi / Resumo: Em tempos de guinada subjetiva no território das ciências humanas, Beatriz Sarlo lembra que vozes marginais em modos de narração antes ignorados, como os diários e as memórias, demandam novas exigências de métodos. Consideradas durante muito tempo pelos historiadores mais tradicionais como documentos pouco objetivos, as chamadas "narrativas do eu", como memórias, autobiografias, diários, cartas, relatos de viagens, entre outros, têm atraído a atenção dos historiadores como fonte da história. Paul Ricoeur, em A memória, a história e o esquecimento, sugere um novo olhar para esse material. Segundo o pensador francês, é fato que toda memória individual ganha forma na memória coletiva. A novidade de sua reflexão, entretanto, está na introdução de um terceiro conceito que ele denomina "os próximos": uma espécie de filtro entre a memória pessoal e a coletiva. Esses "próximos" seriam representados pela família, pela escola, pela geração, pelo grupo de sociabilidade, pelos amigos ou pelas leituras que contribuem para que "o próximo" seja uma réplica da amizade, a philia, a meio caminho entre o indivíduo e o cidadão. Inspirado por essas questões, o presente trabalho propõe uma leitura das Memórias do jornalista Paulo Duarte (1899-1984) publicadas em dez tomos entre 1974 e 1980, tomadas como fonte da história. Advogado, editor, tradutor, professor universitário, enólogo, ao transfigurar-se em memorialista Paulo Duarte narrou sua formação intelectual, as atividades políticas e culturais das décadas de 1920 e 1930, em especial os bastidores da criação do Departamento de Cultura de São Paulo, sua atuação na Assembléia Legislativa paulista, os dois períodos de exílio e a intransigente oposição ao governo Vargas. Esses escritos memorialísticos travam com as memórias produzidas por seus contemporâneos uma batalha simbólica pelo passado... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In times of a subjective turn in Human Sciences, Beatriz Sarlo states that „secondary‟ voices and the way they are put, such as diaries and memoirs, demand new approaches and method. Considered for a long time as a less objective document by traditional historicians, „first person-based‟ narrative texts like memoirs, autobiography, diaries, letters, as many others, have attracted attention as a source of History. Paul Ricoeur, in A memória, a história e o esquecimento, suggests a new point of view to this material. According to him, it is a fact that all individual memory gets new shape in collective memoirs. Otherwise what is new about his reflection is a third concept called for him „the next‟: a sort of filter between personal and collective memoirs. This „next‟ would be the family, education, generation, social group, friends or the interpretation that together contribute to make this character a reproduction of friendship, the philia, half-path between the individual and the citizen. Based on this, the present work purposes a special lecture of Memórias from Brazilian journalist Paulo Duarte (1899-1984), published in ten volumes between 1974 and 1980, as a source of History. Being a lawyer, editor, translator, university teacher, enologist and turning into a writer of memoirs, Paulo Duarte recorded his intellectual path, cultural and political activities in the 1920s-1930s, specially the background of the Culture Department of São Paulo foundation, his participation in the legislative assembly of São Paulo and his two periods of exile due to the opposition to Getúlio Vargas intransigent rule. His writings dialogue with other contemporary personalities... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como, ao longo das décadas de 1960 e 70, artistas ligados à canção engajada conceberam projetos de integração da América Latina por meio da canção, e como esses projetos resultaram no estabelecimento de uma série de conexões transnacionais. Neste período, os impactos da Guerra Fria tiveram como consequência um contexto político fortemente polarizado, o que afetou diretamente o campo cultural e, especialmente, o campo artístico. As experiências políticas comuns favoreceram as trocas de ideias e a intensa circulação de artistas por todo o continente, permitindo o estabelecimento de uma série de contatos e diálogos. Utilizando como fonte principal a discografia dos mais destacados artistas de cada país, o objetivo á analisar essa história de conexões transnacionais na canção engajada latino-americana focalizando três fases distintas: a) a primeira, entre 1963 e 1966, momento de formação e consolidação dos movimentos de nueva canción no Cone Sul, em que o engajamento se manifestou fundamentalmente por meio da crítica social; b) a segunda, entre 1967 e 1969, marcada pelos impactos do I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta, realizado em Cuba, que resultou no destaque de dois temas importantes: a revolução e o anti-imperialismo; c) a terceira, que compreende a década de 1970, período marcado pela radicalização dos discursos políticos, pela intensificação das conexões e também pelas tentativas de inserção dos artistas brasileiros nos circuitos da canção engajada latino-americana. / The objective of this research is to analyze the Latin America integration project conceived by the artists involved with the protest song in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, the impact of Cold War resulted in a polarized debate that affected the cultural field, and especially the artistic field. The common political experiences favored the exchange of ideas and the intense movement of artists across the continent. Using the most prominent artists discography as source, the purpose is to analyze three moments of the history of \"transnational connections\" in the protest song in Latin American: a) the first, between 1963 and 1966, time of development and consolidation of nueva canción movement in the Southern Cone, when the engagement was manifested fundamentally by social criticism; b) the second, between 1967 and 1969, marked by the impact of the I Encuentro de la Canción Protesta held in Cuba, that highlighted two important themes: revolution and anti-imperialism; c) the third, which comprises the 1970s, a period marked by the radicalization of political discourse and by the intensification of connections. Especially in this third phase, I analyze the Brazilian artists efforts to integrate the circuits of Latin American protest song.

(in English): This paper follows the ways in which the latest wave of ukrainization impacts Ukrainian pop culture. The attention is brought upon domestic cultural politics, in particular the aspects which aim to support the Ukrainian language in entertainment sector. The paper then exposes the public discussion about official quotas for usage of Ukrainian language in radio and television. Part of the work is dedicated to the problem of language question from Ukrainian musicians perspective on the example of Ukrainian language band Skryabin and Russian speaking band Green Grey.