Considering the significance of the Net Assessment in defining our national military strategic blueprint and operational processes, the objective of this research is to find out how to utilize Net Assessment to effectively develop the national defense strategy and to sufficiently elevate the integrated military capability for the demands in future wars. The United States initiated the Net Assessment development in the 1970¡¦s. Net Assessment is the comparative analysis of military, technological, political, economic, and other factors governing the relative military capability of the nations. Net Assessment is used by the US Department of Defense primarily as a long term planning tool based on analysis in the competitiveness of its rival countries, and in the balance of military might. The Net Assessment provides top executives a strategic plan that corresponds to the internationally scoped situations. By taking the advantages in the resources and capabilities of the nation, this creates opportunities to fend off the emerging or future threats while improving over the deficiencies, and thus forms the strategic directions for the subsystems such as politics, economics, psychology, military, sciences and technologies. In the course of military strategic planning, the Net Assessment can be considered as the SWOT analysis technique used in the industry, that it is an essential topic for the strategic analysis for national security. We studied the Net Assessment primarily in the scope of the national defense strategic planning. We explored the implications of the Net Assessment and its roles in the United States strategic planning through literature researches. By examining the Net Assessment in the aspects of the strategic management theories and the establishment of its processes, this revealed the relationship between the Net Assessment and the national defense strategic planning and its applications. Through the analytical studies and consolidation, one could effectively handle the analysis procedures and operations for the Net Assessment. This will fully assist the executives to understand objectively the prospect in a comprehensive and long-term view and the critical elements in the problems. While fully utilizing the functions of organizational mechanisms and operations, one could create advantageous corroborative conditions and develop defense strategies that are accurate from global vantage point such that the national security can be ultimately assured in this steadily competitive and highly variable environment.

From Britain¡¦s point of view, the problems of security and defense in India subcontinent were far greater than those of the maintenance of law and order and imperial rule in the subcontinent itself. For Indian subcontinent, it was the pivot of British power in all of Asia. Furthermore, British possessed the maritime supremacy, the main threat came from the land, especially form the Northwest frontier. British strategy for the defense of India¡¦s land frontiers was based on the following three points: (1) to maintain firm military strength in the most vulnerable parts of the frontier, i.e., the Northwest frontier and Baluchistan, and to keep the tribes of this area pacified or under their control by ¡§divide and rule¡¨ tactics, for the purpose of consolidating integrity of the Northwest frontier and the security of India subcontinent; (2) to encourage the establishment of a string of buffer states all along the perimeter of the subcontinent and to maintain influence or friendly relations with them; and (3) to prevent any contiguous territory and states form coming under the control of a strong power, notably Russia, if necessary by forceful means. Although there are many historical and geographic constraints in South Asia defense considerations, the present defense strategy of India has to be designed to meet the new circumstances. Throughout the years of independence the main security concern of India has been defense over both land and sea problems. On land, India has to handle the relationship with Pakistan and protect the Northeast frontier against the threat from China. In the past, the Northwest frontier was an unified area, after the retreat of British power in 1947, the geographical and strategic unity of the India subcontinent was broken. Moreover, India has nearly a coastline of 7,000 km long, but India doesn¡¦t have the maritime supremacy, so that it should be compelled to deal with potential threat from India ocean.

In the wake of changes in international politics and military situations, considerations for global and regional security have changed accordingly, and the nature of factors leading to conflicts and possible threat forms have also changed constantly. Amid in such new situations of global strategy, we should also view the security threats faced by Taiwan and national strategies of Taiwan from more broad perspectives and make necessary changes to them. Lien Chan, chairman of Kuomingtang, and James Soong, chairman of People First Party, visited China in late April 2005 and early May 2005 repectively, and talked with leaders of China and reached some points of consensus with them. However, China has still retained its policy to invade Taiwan with military forces and is still suffocating the survival space of Taiwan in international arena. China has adopted a measure ¡§political opposition, military confrontation,¡¨ which has proved the most serious threat to national security of Taiwan. Taking the role of world cop and in consideration of her interests in East Asia, the United States has deeply got involved in the peace and military security policies or actions in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan¡¦s political and economic situations and revolution in military affairs (RMA) have been constrained, intangibly and substantively, by China and the United States. It is natural for most Taiwanese people to think that Taiwan¡¦s budgets for defense and military construction will be more or less influenced by major political incidents that involve the United States, China, and Taiwan. In recent years, Taiwan has been an open society and people have been eager to speak out. The immense budgets of units of the Ministry of National Defense and secret examinations of confidential budgets have indirectly caused insufficient needs of Taiwanese people for the cognition of the budget structure for national defense. This discourse tries to investigate how China¡¦s policy of propaganda attacks and military threats to Taiwan, announcements of national security policies of the United States and China that have to do with Taiwan, and the delicate changes in major political events in Taiwan have influcenced the budgeting of Taiwan¡¦s national defense in recent ten years.

In today’s fast-evolving market, cybercriminals and threat actors are also developing. During and after the Covid-19 pandemic, ransomwares have become more frequent, and each year they are getting more advanced and harder to detect.Today, according to sources, there is barely anything stopping ransomware. On the other hand, security products are also improving and progressing with behavioral algorithms, machine learning, and AI. So, the struggle continues…From beginning to end, this thesis will demonstrate many aspects of ransomware. From a brief history, ransomware types and how they function. What the primary entry points are, infection vectors, and main threats.The focus of this study is to help businesses and organizations to protect themselves against ransomware. It will show how to be better equipped and prepared by building a defense strategy that includes the four steps, prevent, detect, defend, and recover.An experiment, market research, and a literature study will be performed. The result will show how some well-known security solutions perform when faced with ransomware.

This article uses the counterinsurgency framework of Nathan Leites and Charles Wolf, Jr. to analyze a case study of Plan Colombia from 2000-2011. In particular, it studies the impacts of Plan Colombia-funded economic programs and their relationship to violence in the Colombian conflict. Previous academic works have looked at efficacy of counter-insurgency and the impacts of strategies from a \"hearts and minds\" approach, while this article attempts to look at the efficacy from a systemic approach. This systemic approach views insurgencies as a system that requires inputs, conversion of these inputs and the outputs or activities. Leites and Wolf further highlight that this capacity is incumbent upon: 1) the government\'s adherence to law and order in contrast to the insurgency and 2) its ability to demonstrate that it can govern and complete programs and activities. With this theoretical framework, there is also an assumption that increases in government effectiveness and control increase legitimacy in said areas and thus blunt insurgent activities. Thus, in order to relate this framework, this research uses a logical approach by linking the Leites and Wolf framework to the concepts laid out by Galula regarding counterinsurgency and the importance of the populace. This article studies the trend between the change in economic values and the change in insurgent activity. This research does not try to show a causal relationship between the two datasets, but only that there is a relationship between the increase in economic indicators and a decrease in events and attacks that can be associated the overall effects of the two economic programs. This article suggests that there is an inconclusive relationship and although there is drop in insurgency attacks and events, more research is necessary to ascertain the actual correlation between the effect of economic programs on insurgency attacks and events. / Este artigo usa a estrutura de contra-insurgência de Nathan Leites e Charles Wolf, Jr. para analisar um estudo de caso do Plano Colômbia de 2000-2011. Em particular, estuda os impactos dos programas econômicos financiados pelo Plano Colômbia e sua relação com a violência no conflito colombiano. Trabalhos acadêmicos anteriores analisaram a eficácia da contra-insurgência e os impactos das estratégias de uma abordagem \"corações e mentes\", enquanto este artigo tenta analisar a eficácia a partir de uma abordagem sistêmica. Essa abordagem sistêmica considera as insurgências como um sistema que requer entradas, conversão dessas entradas e saídas ou atividades. Leites e Wolf destacam ainda que essa capacidade se deve a: 1) a adesão do governo à lei e à ordem em contraste com a insurgência e 2) sua capacidade de demonstrar que pode governar e concluir programas e atividades. Com esse arcabouço teórico, também existe uma suposição de que aumentos na eficácia e no controle do governo aumentam a legitimidade em tais áreas e, assim, embotam as atividades insurgentes. Assim, para relacionar este arcabouço, esta pesquisa utiliza uma abordagem lógica, ligando o arcabouço de Leites e Wolf aos conceitos apresentados por Galula sobre a contra-insurgência e a importância da população. Este artigo estuda a tendência entre a mudança nos valores econômicos e a mudança na atividade insurgente. Esta pesquisa não tenta mostrar uma relação causal entre os dois conjuntos de dados, mas apenas que existe uma relação entre o aumento nos indicadores econômicos e uma diminuição nos eventos e ataques que podem ser associados aos efeitos gerais dos dois programas econômicos. Este artigo sugere que há uma relação inconclusiva e, embora haja queda nos ataques e eventos da insurgência, mais pesquisas são necessárias para averiguar a correlação real entre o efeito dos programas econômicos nos ataques e eventos da insurgência.

This article uses the counterinsurgency framework of Nathan Leites and Charles Wolf, Jr. to analyze a case study of Plan Colombia from 2000-2011. In particular, it studies the impacts of Plan Colombia-funded economic programs and their relationship to violence in the Colombian conflict. Previous academic works have looked at efficacy of counter-insurgency and the impacts of strategies from a \"hearts and minds\" approach, while this article attempts to look at the efficacy from a systemic approach. This systemic approach views insurgencies as a system that requires inputs, conversion of these inputs and the outputs or activities. Leites and Wolf further highlight that this capacity is incumbent upon: 1) the government\'s adherence to law and order in contrast to the insurgency and 2) its ability to demonstrate that it can govern and complete programs and activities. With this theoretical framework, there is also an assumption that increases in government effectiveness and control increase legitimacy in said areas and thus blunt insurgent activities. Thus, in order to relate this framework, this research uses a logical approach by linking the Leites and Wolf framework to the concepts laid out by Galula regarding counterinsurgency and the importance of the populace. This article studies the trend between the change in economic values and the change in insurgent activity. This research does not try to show a causal relationship between the two datasets, but only that there is a relationship between the increase in economic indicators and a decrease in events and attacks that can be associated the overall effects of the two economic programs. This article suggests that there is an inconclusive relationship and although there is drop in insurgency attacks and events, more research is necessary to ascertain the actual correlation between the effect of economic programs on insurgency attacks and events. / Este artigo usa a estrutura de contra-insurgência de Nathan Leites e Charles Wolf, Jr. para analisar um estudo de caso do Plano Colômbia de 2000-2011. Em particular, estuda os impactos dos programas econômicos financiados pelo Plano Colômbia e sua relação com a violência no conflito colombiano. Trabalhos acadêmicos anteriores analisaram a eficácia da contra-insurgência e os impactos das estratégias de uma abordagem \"corações e mentes\", enquanto este artigo tenta analisar a eficácia a partir de uma abordagem sistêmica. Essa abordagem sistêmica considera as insurgências como um sistema que requer entradas, conversão dessas entradas e saídas ou atividades. Leites e Wolf destacam ainda que essa capacidade se deve a: 1) a adesão do governo à lei e à ordem em contraste com a insurgência e 2) sua capacidade de demonstrar que pode governar e concluir programas e atividades. Com esse arcabouço teórico, também existe uma suposição de que aumentos na eficácia e no controle do governo aumentam a legitimidade em tais áreas e, assim, embotam as atividades insurgentes. Assim, para relacionar este arcabouço, esta pesquisa utiliza uma abordagem lógica, ligando o arcabouço de Leites e Wolf aos conceitos apresentados por Galula sobre a contra-insurgência e a importância da população. Este artigo estuda a tendência entre a mudança nos valores econômicos e a mudança na atividade insurgente. Esta pesquisa não tenta mostrar uma relação causal entre os dois conjuntos de dados, mas apenas que existe uma relação entre o aumento nos indicadores econômicos e uma diminuição nos eventos e ataques que podem ser associados aos efeitos gerais dos dois programas econômicos. Este artigo sugere que há uma relação inconclusiva e, embora haja queda nos ataques e eventos da insurgência, mais pesquisas são necessárias para averiguar a correlação real entre o efeito dos programas econômicos nos ataques e eventos da insurgência.

Finland makes an exception to its Nordic neighbors in the Second World War in that it first fought and outlasted great power aggression alone, later fought alongside the Axis, and finally remained under Soviet pressure for the duration of Cold War. With the ambition of contributing to research regarding small power at large and Finland in particular, this study looks at Finnish military strategy from its independence till its’ final peace with the Soviet Union. It identifies what strategies Finland employed and what factors influenced these strategies. The study conducted a qualitative text analysis in a thematical approach driven by theoretical perspectives on small powers. Contrary to preferences of small power strategy suggested by previous authors, the results indicate that Finland adhered mostly to a strategy of courting. Partly to the international community through the League of Nations and too by efforts of forming defensive measures with its neighbors. The external environment, including its neighbors’ worries of greater powers and the German conquests in the west, played a vital part in shaping Finnish strategy. When no other alternative seemed viable, Finland pursued a strategy of bandwagoning for profit.

Submitted by Diego Fróes e Coelho da Silva (difroes@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-10-19T17:15:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2018-10-25T19:39:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-29T18:09:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-02 / O objetivo deste estudo é examinar se as parcerias público-privadas (PPP) podem constituir uma ferramenta viável para a implementação dos Projetos Estratégicos de Defesa no Brasil. As PPP são um instrumento para a cooperação da iniciativa privada na realização de investimentos de interesse público e são capazes de aperfeiçoar os processos de desestatização, em busca de ampliar o alcance das externalidades positivas que tais processos podem gerar. Há experiências semelhantes em países como Reino Unido, Estados Unidos da América (EUA) e Austrália, nas quais se verificou aumento da qualidade dos serviços e diminuição dos prazos de entrega em comparação aos métodos tradicionais de contratação. Por meio de um estudo de caso, amparado em uma pesquisa documental e bibliográfica e apoiando-se nas bem-sucedidas experiências internacionais, é possível investigar se as PPP podem contribuir para o fomento da Base Industrial de Defesa (BID), fundamentais ao aprimoramento das Forças Armadas e ao desenvolvimento do País.