This paper argues that a State can reconstruct it’s own politics in such a way that allows for more reliance on conflict resolving international organizations and institutions and can reduce the need for military force and/or power politics. Accordingly, the complexities of the security dilemma can be reduced or eliminated. I utilize a single case study approach that analyzes the 2010 territorial conflict known as the ‘Isla Calero’ dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Using both an inductive approach and semistructured interviews, this paper analyzes how the dispute was settled without the use of power politics. It is argued that Costa Rica was able to halt the cycle of the security dilemma through their decision to demilitarize. Moreover, I argue that Costa Rica’s approach is relevant and applicable to other states and could contribute to successful conflict resolution between States without the use of power politics.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-09-13T13:46:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1386639 bytes, checksum: 40a78c3a8c32b1370d1be03e5ca5fcb4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T13:46:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1386639 bytes, checksum: 40a78c3a8c32b1370d1be03e5ca5fcb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-27 / The current social situation is characterized by a significant increase in crime rates, demanding an increasingly effective operation of the agencies responsible for public security. In this context, the military police are seen by the media and by human rights organizations as one of the institutions that are most responsible for violating fundamental rights. Experts argue that one of the causes of such violations is the militarization of the police and the consequent authoritarianism present in their practices, which reveals the need to investigate this phenomenon. Therefore, to effectively understand the institution, it is necessary also to know the views of its members. In this sense, this research investigates the perceptions of military policemen of Paraíba about what is militarism for them and for the organization. It is discussed, then, the existing duality between militarism maintenance discourse and the demilitarization discourse, in order to identify and relate to each other perceptions and positions of the military policemen about the role of militarism for the institution, its positive and negative aspects. Thus, the study was characterized as a field research and documentary research of qualitative nature, being conducted semi-structured interviews with thirty military police. Based on the literature that addresses the issue, it broke the hypothesis that the military police, for the most part, which is composed mainly of soldiers, they see militarism as an inadequate model for the effective performance of the public safety services, since it is filled with relations of domination that prevent the configuration of a truly citizen police. As a result, the hypothesis was confirmed, and also was revealed a clear distinction between the ways of seeing the militarism of the soldiers and the officers. The soldiers reject the militarism widely while the officers only suggest an adaptation of the organization to democratic context without, however, removing the militarized structure. / A atual conjuntura social é caracterizada por um aumento significativo nos índices de criminalidade, demandando uma atuação cada vez mais efetiva dos órgãos responsáveis pela segurança pública. Nesse contexto, as polícias militares são apontadas pela mídia e organizações de defesa dos Direitos Humanos como uma das instituições que mais violam esses direitos fundamentais. Teóricos argumentam que uma das causas de tais violações é a militarização da polícia e consequente autoritarismo presente em suas práticas, o que revela a necessidade de se investigar tal fenômeno. Sendo assim, para se compreender efetivamente a instituição, faz-se necessário conhecer também os pontos de vista dos seus integrantes. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa investiga as percepções dos policiais militares da Paraíba acerca do que representa o militarismo para eles e para a organização. Questiona-se, pois, a dualidade existente entre os discursos de manutenção do militarismo e o discurso da desmilitarização, de modo a identificar e relacionar entre si as percepções e posicionamentos dos policiais militares sobre o papel do militarismo para a instituição, seus aspectos positivos e negativos. Assim, o estudo se caracterizou como uma pesquisa de campo e documental de cunho qualitativo, sendo realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com trinta policiais militares, sendo vinte praças e dez oficiais. Com base na literatura que aborda o tema, partiu-se da hipótese de que os policiais militares, em sua maior parte, sendo esta composta majoritariamente por praças, veem o militarismo como um modelo inadequado para uma efetiva prestação dos serviços de Segurança Pública, uma vez que se encontra preenchido por relações de dominação que impedem a configuração de uma polícia realmente cidadã. Como resultados, a hipótese pôde ser comprovada, sendo revelada ainda uma evidente distinção entre os modos de ver o militarismo dos praças e dos oficiais. Os primeiros o rejeitam amplamente enquanto os últimos apenas sugerem uma adaptação da organização ao contexto democrático, sem, contudo, retirar a estrutura militarizada.

No / Demilitarization of conflict and society is crucial to building sustainable peace in countries emerging from the scourge of civil war. As longstanding conflicts come to an end, processes which facilitate the potentially volatile transition from formal peace to social peace are critically important. At the heart of the exercise is the necessity of transforming the culture and the instruments of war - demilitarization - including disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating (DDR) former combatants into society. This volume represents the first in-depth and comprehensive discussion of reintegration of former combatants in war to peace transitions. In addition to a systematic reflection and review of existing literature on DDR, the authors devised and applied a field research methodology to studying the reintegration of former combatants in Angola with potentially significant implications on the design and implementation of DDR programmes. The volume is written for academics, students and practitioners focusing on war to peace transitions and post-conflict issues.

Experiments to determine the fate and transport of the chemical warfare agent (CWA) simulants diisopropyl fluorophosphate (DIFP), O,S-diethyl methylphosphonothioate (OSDEMP), and 2-Chloroethyl ethyl sulfide (CEES) exposed to complex matrix systems are reported here. The aforementioned simulants were used in place of O-isopropyl methylphosphonofluoridate (GB), O-Ethyl S-(2-diisopropylaminoethyl) methylphosphonothiolate (VX), and Bis (2-chloroethyl) sulfide (HD), respectively. At ambient temperature, simulant pH (2.63 to 12.01) and reaction time (1 minute to 24 hours) were found to have significant influence on the recovery of simulants from charcoal, plastic, and TAP (butyl rubber gloves) in aqueous media. Buffer systems used included, phosphate, acetate, borate, and disodium tetraborate. Organic extractions were carried out using a 90:10 (v/v) dichloromethane / 2-propanol solution. All extracts were analyzed with a gas chromatograph equipped with flame ionization and flame photometric detectors (GC-FID-FPD). The FPD was used to determine the amount of simulant recovery.

External threats The aim of this study is to create a theoretical understanding of the Swedish national security perspectives which contributed to the variety of initiatives that have taken place in the Swedish military defense bills of 2004/05:5 and 2014/15:109. Our purpose is to do a qualitative text analysis whereby we create ideal types based upon the international relation theories liberalism and realism, which we then apply onto our selected propositions to analyze whether our ideal types can be traced- to discover if there have been any ideological changes. In our final discussion of the analysis we can see that the Swedish security objectives have changed due to changed threats in the world, which have resulted in both an increased need for international cooperation and also an expanded Swedish military defense in 2014. We can also see a theoretical shift in these propositions since some countries which previously had a more liberalistic character are now adopting a more realistic act.

La mer Caspienne qui est devenue l’objet du droit international depuis le XVIIIe siècle n’a jamais connu un statut juridique précis. Cet espace dont la nature aquatique fait l’objet de divergence était dominé par l’URSS jusqu’en 1991. Cependant, à la suite de la disparition de l’URSS, la mer Caspienne - désormais entourée de cinq États riverains (Azerbaïdjan, Iran,Kazakhstan, Russie et Turkménistan) – a fait sa réapparition sur la scène internationale, surtout en raison de ses riches ressources naturelles. C’est précisément dans ces conditions que la question de la situation juridique de la mer Caspienne au regard du droit international s’est posée à la fin du XXe siècle. Il convient donc de former un régime juridique de la mer Caspienne adéquat et durable à long terme et de trouver des solutions pour le règlement desdifférends juridiques entre les États caspiens. / The Caspian Sea which has become the object of international law since the eighteenth century has never had a clear legal status. This space of which the aquatic nature is not defined was dominated by the Soviet Union until 1991. However, following the collapse of the USSR, the Caspian Sea - now surrounded by five littoral States (Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan) - has re-emerged on the international scene, especially because of its rich natural resources. It is precisely in these circumstances that the question of legal status of the Caspian Sea under international law arose in the late twentieth century. Therefore, it is necessary to form an adequate and sustainable long-term legal regime of theCaspian Sea and to find solutions for the settlement of legal disputes between the Caspian States.