A Dissertation present in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in the Political Studies, Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Pending legislation in South Africa in the form of the Protection of State Information Bill presents an unprecedented threat to freedom of the press in post-apartheid South Africa. Like most countries globally, there have been tensions between the ruling party, which represents the state and the media, who argue that freedom of the press is critical to democracy. Both are institutions that consider their presence essential elements in a democratic regime. There is a fine line between censorship and self-regulation. But equally important is the need to balance rights to privacy with information that is in the public interest. In a country seen to have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world, enshrining freedom of the press, there are, however, still many questions around the media and where they ideally fit into society. Should they be the watchdog? Should they be a mouthpiece? And 22 years into democracy, how free are they to choose which role they prefer? With the freedom of expression war between the media and the ruling party continuing to play out in South Africa, the challenge lies in understanding what role the media has in efforts to entrench democracy. / MT2017

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / South Africa obtained a new constitution in 1994 that enshrined the right to sexual orientation, race and gender equality, as well as – crucially – ensuring the “freedom of the press and other media”. However, consequent national debates appear to indicate that the country is still grappling with issues of sexual orientation and of sexual practices. It is against the complexity of this background that this research examines – through a focus on reported conflict over South Africa’s blood transfusion service – how certain debates and controversies around issues of race and sexual orientation arose and played out in the media. The editorials and opinion pieces of both The Star and The Citizen newspapers were more than mere platforms for debates to unfold upon. While both publications did undoubtedly provide a seemingly neutral platform for the two controversies to play themselves out, which included ample input from their readers, both publications from their editorial position intervened in a wide range of editorials, opinion pieces, commentaries and one cartoon. Thus, in fact, they played a powerful role in the curating manipulation of the debates.

This research undertakes a theoretical investigation of concepts related to industrial democracy and examines the need for workplace democracy within South Africa's dynamic contemporary context. It looks at the history of labour relations in South Africa as well as current labour relations and new legalisation in order to identify relevant change that has occurred that may facilitate the realisation of a democratic working environment. Labour relations in South Africa have always been conflictual and currently, during South Africa's transition to democracy, they continue to pose many challenges. This dissertation examines these challenges and investigates ways and means of achieving successful and sustainable transformation within the workplace that reflects the broader ideals of an improved quality of life anticipated by a political democracy. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.

The author explores the traditional approaches to interpretation in a constitutional democracy, with specific emphasis on Bill of Rights interpretation. The approaches adopted by the court in India and Canada, are briefly outlined with a view to gleaning from the experience of these countries, a theory which will inform a proper approach to interpretation in a South African context. He concludes that the value-based approach is most appropriate to concretise the rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights, and specifically the so-called second and third generation rights. Addressing the fear that this may lead to an undisciplined judiciary, he concludes that there are sufficient disciplinning mechanisms to ensure that the courts do not encroach upon the other branches of government. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study project aims to investigate economic progress in South Africa through exploring the economic history in both the pre-1994 and post-1994 period. Special emphasis is placed on the areas of poverty alleviation, employment creation as well as the economic success that the country wishes to achieve. South Africa, as a developing nation, faced many key challenges after 1994 and together with these internal problems, the global operating environment was rapidly changing and this needed to be factored in. After ten years of democracy, it is important to examine what progress has been made and determine if South Africa is indeed on the path to prosperity. In establishing this, the author starts by defining the key issues that deserve consideration within the topic and sets a standard framework around which the topic will be studied. South Africa is not the first country in the world to experience related challenges and it is useful to examine some selected economies in the world, to extract key learning points as well as offer a means of benchmarking how South Africa compares. It is essential that the context and nature of the problems that exist currently be understood through an investigation of the past. The solutions that ultimately are applied to eradicate these problems must successfully address the inherited legacy or the solutions will be short term and inadequate. Much has happened after 1994 and this is examined both from a macroeconomic as well as the socioeconomic perspective. In determining whether South Africa remains on the correct trajectory, the key learning points are integrated with the progress made to date. The identified shortcomings are then presented as recommendations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie mik om ekonomiese vordering in Suid-Afrika deur die bestudering van ekonomiese geskiedenis in beide die voor-en na-1994 tydperk te ondersoek. Spesiale klem is geplaas in areas van verligting van armoede, werkskepping sowel as ekonomiese sukses wat die land na streef. Suid-Afrika, as 'n ontwikkelende land, staar baie sleutel uitdagings na 1994 in die gesig en tesame met die interne probleme, het die globale funksionele omgewing vinnig verander en moes dit in ag geneem word . Na tien jaar van demokrasie, is dit belangrik om ondersoek in te stel na watter vordering gemaak was en vas te stel of Suid-Afrika inderdaad op pad is na positiewe groei. Deur dit vas te stel, het die skrywer begin om sleutel fokuspunte, binne die onderwerp wat verdien om in ag geneem te word, te definieer, en plaas 'n standaard raamwerk rondom die betrokke onderwerp wat bestudeer moet word. Suid-Afrika is nie die eerste land in die wereld om soortgelyke uitdagings te ondervind nie, en dit is prakties om sommige geselekteerde ekonomieë in die wereld te bestudeer, ten einde belangrike punte en mikpunte oor hoe Suid-Afrika vergelyk uit te beeld. Dit is noodsaaklik dat die konteks en natuur van die probleme huidiglik, verstaan word, deur die verlede te ondersoek. Die oplossings wat toegepas word moet suksesvol die nagelate erfenis addresseer, of die oplossings kortermyn en onvoldoende sal wees. Baie het gebeur na 1994 en dit is beide van 'n makro-ekonomiese sowel as die sosio-ekonomiese perspektief ondersoek. Om vas te stel of Suid-Afrika op die regte koers is, word die sleutel punte geintegreer met die vordering tot op datum. Die geidentifiseerde tekortkomminge word voorgelê as aanbevelings.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Democratic consolidation has become an increasingly popular phenomenon with the advent of democracy in countries all over the world, making the successful transition to a democratic dispensation from authoritarian rule. South Africa, as the case under analysis, provides a clear example of a country that has successfully managed a democratic transition, and is now on the path of consolidating its democracy thirteen years into democratic rule. The extent to which democratic consolidation is being effected in South Africa is the primary focus of this study, with a critical examination of the factors that are instrumental in creating and sustaining the conditions conducive to democratic survival. This study provides a theoretical grounding in the existing literature on democratic consolidation, which enables us to highlight the key areas of consolidation. The criteria used to determine the degree to which South Africa’s democracy can be regarded consolidated was developed by Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski et al (1996), Bratton and van de Walle (1997) and the subsequent writings of others. This enables us to develop a multivariate framework for evaluating the extent to which democracy is ingrained in South Africa, as well as assessing prospects for the consolidation thereof. The criteria in this study are thus broadly subdivided into the following categories. Firstly, the existence of an autonomous political society, whereby democratic institutions are evaluated in light of the parliamentary system, the electoral system, elections, the state of political parties in South Africa, and the existence of a legal culture that upholds our Constitutional democracy. Secondly, the existence of an economic society in South Africa is assessed in terms of the state of the economy and the economic policies followed by the ruling party implemented to enhance economic growth. This is studied in the context of current socio-economic ills, such as income inequality, poverty, unemployment, and measures designed to relieve these problems, most notably the creation and development of a black middle class to generate greater equality and empower the black majority. Lastly, social factors are discussed, with an emphasis on race and the significance it assumes in South African politics today. Other factors such as the existence of a strong and vibrant civil society and the development of a democratic political culture are equally important in sustaining a democratic dispensation. The latter, for the most part, was found to be a crucial determinant of whether prospects for democratic consolidation in South Africa are positive. Political culture, in essence, embodies all the criteria discussed, and thus is an underlying theme throughout this study. The findings indicate that South Africa’s democracy is consolidating in terms of institution building; however these institutions need to be protected and strengthened to ensure that trust and confidence in them is developed and maintained. The major obstacle to achieving consolidation though, is the issue of the African National Congress’ dominance in Parliament, rendering the opposition relatively insignificant. In addition, poverty and unemployment persists despite policies designed to uplift the poor. This was found to be a significant burden on democratic consolidation. Civil society plays an important role in this regard in helping to improve service delivery, as well as acting as a watchdog over state power, which is pivotal in fostering a democratic political culture. Whether or not this is sufficient in upholding democracy, only time will tell.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Democracy is understood by many to be a government for the people by the people. As far as academic or scholarly traditions are concerned however, this is a rather populist depiction of the concept. According to the intellectual tradition, democracy is such when a system of governance meets several conditions. For the purpose of this study, the institutionalist tradition or theory of democracy which sees democracy as being dependent on institutions of contestation (elections) and participation (parliament) as well as others, is an important variable. However, the very same theory on democracy is not limited to institutions as the sole requirements for democracy. For the economic determinists, the point is that whilst institutions are important for democracy, they are not sufficient. In order for there to be such, favourable socio-economic conditions are important as well and these include affluence amongst other issues. The scientific orientation of this study being comparative, it seeks to take both the institutionalist variable of elections and the economic determinist variable of affluence as operational measures of the state of democracy in South Africa and Zimbabwe. As an additional operationalisation, the issue of civil and political liberties as per Freedom House classifications is also investigated in a similar comparative manner. The outcomes of the study show that at an electoral level, South Africa's model of proportional representation in the seat allocation system gives minorities a voice as opposed to Zimbabwe's fast past the post system based on the winner takes all principle. It was also established that the electoral machinery in Zimbabwe is more chaotically arranged and thus susceptible to abuse than in South Africa. At a socio-economic level, conditions have also been found to be a lot more favourable to the consolidation of democracy in South Africa than in Zimbabwe because of a wide array of issues, the most serious one being the declining income patterns for the average Zimbabwean as compared to the South African. Though the issue of high income inequality in South Africa should be highlighted as a threat, it should also be noted that in Zimbabwe, the apparent disrespect of the rule of law has an added negative implication for Zimbabwe as Freedom House has highlighted the declining of the country from partly free of 3.4 in 1980 to a partly free of 6.5 in 2000. The overall analysis comes to the conclusion that given the findings above, it seems South Africa's democracy can still hold stronger given an accelerated equitable distribution of wealth whilst for Zimbabwe, the revitalisation of democracy needs to start from the re-engineering of institutions to the regeneration of the concept of respect for the rule of law. Thus the comparison seems to show a democracy better suited for consolidation than the other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie word deur talle verstaan as regering van die volk deur die volk. Hierdie is egter 'n populêre voorstelling van die konsep. Volgens intellektuele tradisies, moet 'n demokrasie aan sekere vereistes voldoen. Vir die doel van hierdie studie, word die institusionele denke aanvaar wat die demokrasie as afhanklik van sulke instellings soos mededinging (verkiesings) en deelname ('n parlement) beskou. Dieselfde denke beklemtoon ook dat instellings nie die enigste vereistes is me, byvoorbeeld vir ekonomiese deterministe, is instellings nodig maar nie genoegsaam nie. Dit beteken dat gunstige sosio-ekonomiese toestande ook moet geld, spesifieke relatiewe hoë welvaartspeile. Die wetenskaplike orientasie van hierdie studie is vergelykend. Dit vergelyk sowel ekonomiese as institusionele kriteria, asook twee state, Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe. 'n Addisionele saak word ook geoperasionaliseer, te wete burgerlike vryhede en politieke regte. Hier word Freedom House se klassifikasies aanvaar. Die studie toon dat op die vlak van verkiesings, Suid-Afrika se proporsionele verteenwoordigingstelsel kleiner partye en minderheidspartye verteenwoordiging bied, teenoor Zimbabwe se wenner-vat-alles-stelsel. Die Zimbabwiese stelsel was meer vatbaar vir wanbestuur en onvrye en onregverdige verkiesings. Op die sosio-ekonomiese vlakke is toestande vir die konsolidasie van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika veel beter as in Zimbabwe, waarvan die vernaamste die afname in welvaartspeile in Zimbabwe is. Hierteenoor is die styging van ongelykheidsvlakke in Suid-Afrika 'n negatiewe faktor. In Suid-Afrika is vryheidsindekse van Freedom House egter steeds op 'n hoë vlak, terwyl die Zimbabwiese vlakke drasties agteruitgaan, byvoorbeeld vanaf 3.4 in 1980 tot 'n onvrye vlak van 6.5 in 2000 waar 'n punt van 7 totaal onvry is. Die konklusie is dat demokrasie in Suid-Afrika konsolideerbaar is, terwyl Zimbabwe ook instellings sal moet red van ondergang. Die herstel van regsoewereiniteit kan 'n beginpunt wees. Die vergelykings wys dus uit dat Suid-Afrika veel beter daaraan toe is as Zimbabwe.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: 1. Aim of study The main aim of this study is to collect and evaluate the different ways of the theorizing of local power configurations and to assemble the elements thereof in a theoretical framework. A conclusion on the significance thereof for the South-African context is then drawn. To reach this aim, it was attempted to identify all the basic elements of all local power configurations and to show how the contents thereof change continuously and are determined by the powers therein. 2. The nature of local power configurations Local power configurations are those networks of dynamic relations, which occur between persons and groups and between persons and their needs, institutions and social, economical, political and natural environments, which influence people of a local political area, their actions and opinions and thus control the issues and people of that area. Local power configurations therefore consist of nine elements namely (1) changes which are continuously caused by (2) the biological characteristics and (3) interpretation of people and (4) by active powers which try to influence them. They are also further influenced by natural powers (they are (5) the natural environment, (6) people's needs and (7) natural resources) and created powers (they are (8) social patterns and products, (9) economic order and (10) political processes and structures). These basic elements of local power configurations exist under higher power configurations which consist of the same elements. The complexity of local power configurations is related to the overlapping of elements between these different power configurations. Neighbouring local power configurations can also share elements so that changes in the elements of one power configuration can have an influence on the neighbouring one. Similarly the changes in the elements of the power configurations on higher levels such as region, national and global also have important implications for the elements of local power configurations. Since active powers bring their influence to bear according to their conscious or unconscious interpretation of their situation, their exercise of power is therefore continually unique and therefore unexpected changes of the elements may occur. In order to prevent this, the national power configuration tries to structure the local power configuration in such a way that it limits its space for unique power actions. In this study the relations between these powers and how they influence each other are treated in detail. 3. South African local power configurations The local power configurations of South Africa function according to the same elements that occur at all local power configurations. The uniqueness of the South African local power configurations lies only in the contents which are given to it in South Africa. The contents of South African local power configurations are largely prescribed by the constitution and national laws. They specify the functioning of local politics in South Africa, which forms an important aspect of local power configurations. This, together with the nature of the South African cultural milieu and the nature of the natural environment and human needs, has an important impact on local power configurations. Yet local South African people and groups maintain their ability through their interpretation to act within their circumstances in original ways and bring about positive or negative changes to people's quality of life. 4. Guide material This study tries to furnish guide material to prospective researchers of South African local power configurations. Thereby academics can make a contribution so that local power configurations are directed towards change which is beneficial to the people. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 1. Doel van studie Die oorhoofse doel van hierdie studie is om die verskillende wyses van teoretisering oor plaaslike magsopsette te versamel, te beoordeel en die elemente daarvan in 'n teoretiese raamwerk saam te vat en 'n gevolgtrekking te maak oor die betekenis daarvan vir die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Om hierdie doel te bereik, is gepoog om die basiese elemente van alle plaaslike magsopsette te identifiseer en aan te toon hoedat die inhoud daarvan voortdurend verander en bepaal word deur die magte daarin. 2. Aard van plaaslike magsopsette Plaaslike magsopsette is daardie netwerk van dinamiese verhoudinge, wat voorkom tussen persone en groepe en tussen hulle en hul behoeftes, instellings en sosiale, ekonomiese, politieke en natuurlike omgewings, wat mense, van 'n plaaslike politieke gebied, se handelinge en beskouings beinvloed en so die sake en mense in daardie gebied beheer. Plaaslike magsopsette behels dus (1) verandering wat voortdurend deur (2) menslike biologiese eienskappe en (3) betekenisgewing veroorsaak word en (4) aktiewe magte wat dit probeer beinvloed. Dit word ook beinvloed deur natuurlike magte, (dit is (5) die natuurlike omgewing, (6) menslike behoeftes en (7) natuurlike hulpbronne) en geskepte magte (dit is (8) sosiale patrone en produkte, (9) ekonomiese ordening en (10) politieke prosesse en strukture). Hierdie basiese elemente van plaaslike magsopsette staan onder hoer magsopsette wat uit dieselfde elemente bestaan. Die ingewikkeldheid van magsopsette hou verband met die oorvleueling van elemente tussen hierdie verskillende magsopsette. Naburige plaaslike magsopsette kan ook elemente deel sodat die verandering in een magsopset se elemente 'n invloed op die naburige een het. So ook het die verandering in die elemente van die magsopsette op hoer vlakke soos streek, nasionaal en globaal ook belangrike implikasies vir die elemente van die plaaslike magsopset. Omdat aktiewe magte hulle invloed laat geld volgens hulle bewustelike of onbewustelike betekenisgewing van hulle situasie, veroorsaak dit dat hulle magsuitoefening voortdurend uniek kan wees en onverwagte wysigings aan die elemente tot gevolg kan he. luis om dit te verhoed poog die nasionale magsopset om die plaaslike magsopset so te struktureer dat dit beperkte ruimte vir unieke magshandelinge laat. In hierdie studie word hierdie verhoudinge tussen hierdie magte en hoe hulle mekaar kan beinvloed breedvoerig behandel. 3. Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette funksioneer op grond van dieselfde elemente wat by aIle plaaslike magsopsette voorkom. Die uniekheid van Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette Ie aIleen in die inhoud wat in Suid-Afrika daaraan gegee word. Die inhoud van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette word grootliks voorgeskryf deur die grondwet en nasionale wette. Dit spesifiseer die funksionering van die plaaslike politiek in Suid- Afrika, wat 'n belangrike aspek van plaaslike magsopsette uitmaak. Dit, tesame met die aard van die Suid-Afrikaanse kulturele milieu en die stand van die natuurlike omgewing en menslike behoeftes, het 'n belangrike impak op plaaslike magsopsette. Tog behou plaaslike Suid-Afrikaanse mense en groepe deur hulle betekenisgewing die vermoe om in hulle omstandighede op oorspronklike wyses te handel en positiewe of negatiewe veranderings aan mense se lewensgehalte aan te bring. 4. Gidsmateriaal Hierdie studie poog om gidsmateriaal te verskaf aan voornemende navorsers van Suid- Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette. Daardeur kan akademici 'n bydrae lewer dat plaaslike magsopsette gerig word op verandering wat vir plaaslike mense voordelig is.