Submitted by Clebson Anjos (clebson.leandro54@gmail.com) on 2015-05-12T18:51:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2037516 bytes, checksum: 86821fb356b5c1b1d54b6b1c895a3e44 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-12T18:51:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2037516 bytes, checksum: 86821fb356b5c1b1d54b6b1c895a3e44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Information is one of the society´s inputs and it highlights an increasing concern as to its retrieval, organization, storage and availability. Taking into account this reality, the current piece of research is motivated by the information representation in documents of permanent character on the web, once the information in this medium enables the information retrieval regardless of time and space, with the archivist´s participation as a mediator of information. For this reason, this piece of research was derived from the perception of the relevance of the colonial period documentation stored in the Waldemar Duarte Historical Archive belonging to the Cultural Space Foundation of Paraíba (FUNESC). In this sense, this study aims to identify a metadata pattern for the descriptive representation of the information of this documentation. It intends, specifically, to describe the historical context of the Waldemar Duarte Historical Archive and it identifies the procedures that represent this archive as well as it highlights the representative elements in both the Information Science and the Archival Science. Hence, this piece of research has empirical classification, with qualitative and quantitative approach, descriptive category, having the observation as tool for data collection so as to analyze the behavior of the historical archive´s users and collaborators as well as the documental analysis based on the research of 78 documents related to the Colonial Period in order to adapt the pattern to this sample. The purpose of this research is given in two main aspects: Descriptive Representation of Information and the Thematic Representation of Information. In the Descriptive Representation of Information, a metadata pattern was delimited based on the analysis of three patterns, being two archival patterns. The analysis of the patterns occurred due to the exclusion of common metadata, the comparison of metadata with the data found in the Colonial Period documentation and which pattern presents major coverage for the descriptive representation for the documents of permanent character. For the proposal of the Thematic Representation of Information, aspects that define the creation of indexation mechanisms, indexing policies, controlled vocabulary and abstracts were established for the Colonial Period documentation. Thus, the need for public powers is perceived while producing initiatives for the dissemination of their archives in a virtual environment favoring thus the emergence of new studies. The definition of a metadata pattern will contribute to the representation of documents from the Brazilian Colonial Period; this can be expanded for the documentation of the other historical periods stored in the Waldemar Duarte Historical Archive. / A informação é um dos insumos da sociedade e se evidencia uma preocupação acentuada quanto à sua captura, organização, armazenamento e disponibilização. Diante dessa realidade, o presente trabalho é motivado devido à representação da informação em documentos de caráter permanente na Web, uma vez que as informações neste meio possibilitam a recuperação informacional independentemente do tempo e espaço, tendo a participação do arquivista, enquanto mediador da informação. Por essa razão, esta pesquisa teve origem diante da percepção da relevância da documentação do Período Colonial armazenado no Arquivo Histórico Waldemar Duarte pertencente à Fundação Espaço Cultural da Paraíba- FUNESC. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa tem por objetivo a identificação de um padrão de metadados para a representação descritiva da informação dessa documentação. Especificamente visa descrever o contexto histórico do Arquivo Histórico Waldemar Duarte e identifica os procedimentos que representam seu acervo, bem como evidencia os elementos representativos na Ciência da Informação e Arquivologia. Posto isso, este trabalho tem classificação empírica, com a abordagem qualitativa e quantitativa, categoria descritiva, tendo como instrumento de coleta de dados a observação para averiguar o comportamento dos usuários e dos colaboradores do arquivo histórico, bem como a análise documental com base na investigação de 78 documentos referentes ao Período Colonial com vistas a adequar o padrão a esta amostra. A proposta nesta pesquisa é dada em dois pontos principais, sendo elas: Representação Descritiva da Informação e a Representação Temática da Informação. Na Representação Descritiva da Informação, foi delimitado um padrão de metadados com base na análise de três padrões, sendo dois padrões arquivísticos. A análise dos padrões deu-se diante da exclusão de metadados em comum, da comparação dos metadados com os dados encontrados no documento do Período Colonial e qual padrão apresenta maior cobertura para a representação descritiva para os documentos de caráter permanente. Para a proposta da Representação Temática da Informação, foram estabelecidos pontos que assentem para a criação de mecanismos de indexação, políticas de indexação, vocabulário controlado e resumos para a documentação do Período Colonial. Diante disso, percebe-se a necessidade dos poderes públicos em produzir iniciativas para a disseminação de seu acervo em ambiente Web, favorecendo assim o surgimento de novas pesquisas. A delimitação de um padrão de metadados contribuirá para a representação dos documentos do Período Colonial brasileiro, podendo ser expandido para a documentação dos demais períodos históricos armazenados no Arquivo Histórico Waldemar Duarte.

Dans la plupart des pays, les hommes sont plus enclins que les femmes à voter pour des partis d’extrême droite. Ce mémoire contribue à notre compréhension de ce gender gap en analysant le vote pour l’extrême droite lors des dernières élections européennes dans 22 pays, en utilisant les données l’European Election Voter Study (2019). Dans un premier temps, nous adoptons une approche exploratoire en analysant dans quelle mesure les indicateurs socio-économiques et les positions idéologiques contribuent à expliquer cet écart. Nous nous concentrons ensuite sur les facteurs contextuels en testant deux explications tirées de la littérature. En nous appuyant sur une collecte de données originale, nous cherchons d'abord à évaluer si une plus grande représentation des femmes parmi les élus d’extrême droite entraine davantage de femmes à voter pour ces partis. Nous cherchons ensuite à vérifier si les femmes sont plus portées à voter pour des partis d’extrême droite moins extrême, en utilisant les données du Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2019). Les résultats montrent que 38% du gender gap dans le vote d'extrême droite est expliqué par les différences entre les positions des hommes et des femmes dans l’opinion publique, tandis que les indicateurs socio-économiques ont une contribution négligeable. Nous montrons également que l'effet positif du positionnement idéologique sur l'échelle gauche-droite sur le vote d’extrême droite est plus faible pour les femmes. De plus, le fait d'être en faveur de l'intervention de l'État dans l'économie motive le vote d’extrême droite uniquement chez les femmes. Sur le plan contextuel, nous montrons que plus la position des partis d’extrême droite est extrême en ce qui concerne l'intervention de l'État dans l'économie, plus le gender gap augmente. / In most countries, men are more likely to vote for radical right parties than women. This thesis contributes to our understanding of this – yet to be explained – gender gap. For doing so, I look at the radical right votes in the last European elections in 22 countries, using data from the European Election Voter Study (2019). In a first step, I take an exploratory approach and systematically analyze whether and to what extent socio-economic indicators and issue positions contribute to this gender gap. I then focus on contextual factors by testing two explanations drawn from the literature. Relying on original data, I first assess whether a greater representation of women among radical right elected officials motivates more women to vote for these parties. I then test whether women are more drawn to less extreme radical right parties, using data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2019). The results suggest that 38% of the gender gap in voting for radical right parties is explained by differences in men’s and women’s issue positions while the contribution of socio-economic indicators is negligible. I also show that the positive effect of ideological placement on the left-right scale on radical right voting is weaker for women. Furthermore, being in favour of state intervention in the economy motivates radical right voting only for women. On the contextual level, I find that the more extreme the stance of radical right parties is regarding state intervention in the economy, the greater the gap becomes.

La participation des personnes s’identifiant comme Autochtones aux institutions démocratiques du Canada (que ce soit par le vote ou par le fait de se présenter à des élections) est un sujet peu traité par la littérature scientifique. Longtemps interdite et encore critiquée par un certain nombre d’auteurs influents de la pensée décoloniale, elle connait depuis quelques temps un certain essor. La participation électorale des Autochtones vivant en réserve y est au-dessus de 50% depuis deux élections fédérales. Nous y constatons également une augmentation du nombre de candidats autochtones depuis 2008 et l’élection d’un nombre toujours plus élevé de députés autochtones à chaque élection depuis 2011. Ce renouveau participatif nous donne une occasion sans précédent de dresser un portrait de la relation complexe qu’entretiennent les Autochtones aux institutions démocratiques canadiennes et de s’interroger sur la signification de cette participation. Cette thèse par article propose à la fois une réflexion théorique et une analyse empirique en ce sens. Dans un premier article nous traitons dans une perspective théorique de la tension normative entre la participation au sein des institutions coloniales et la volonté d’autodétermination des peuples autochtones. Nous arguons que l’importance accordée à cette tension dans la littérature dépend de la conception adoptée de l’autodétermination. Dans le deuxième article nous étudions le comportement électoral des Autochtones à partir de données quantitatives. Nous soulignons l’importance du vote affinitaire afin de comprendre les préférences des électeurs autochtones. Dans le troisième article, nous traitons de la représentation des intérêts autochtones par les députés s’identifiant comme Autochtones élus sous la 42ème législature. Une analyse qualitative des interventions en chambre nous permet de souligner qu’au-delà des dimensions partisanes, les députés autochtones mettent davantage de l’avant les enjeux autochtones et le font aussi différemment, ce qui confirme le lien entre la représentation descriptive et substantive des intérêts. Nous concluons cette thèse sur le fait qu’il serait hasardeux de réduire, comme certains le font, ce renouveau de la participation des Autochtones à une forme d’assimilation ou d’acceptation de la citoyenneté canadienne. Notre thèse permet au contraire de souligner le caractère multidimensionnel de cette participation, qui s’inscrit selon nous dans un registre plus large d’activisme politique visant à défendre des identités distinctes et des intérêts propres aux peuples autochtones. / The political participation of those who identify themselves as Indigenous peoples in Canada's democratic institutions (whether through voting or running for election) is a subject that has received little attention in the scientific literature. Long banned and still criticized by many influential authors, today the political participation is a political reality. The electoral turnout of Indigenous peoples living on reserve has been above 50% since three federal elections. We also see an increase in the number of Indigenous people candidates since 2008 and the election of an ever-increasing number of Indigenous people as Members of Parliament (MPs) in each election since 2011. This phenomenon gives us an unprecedented opportunity to draw a portrait of Indigenous people’s complex relationship with Canadian democratic institutions and make sense of its signification for Canadian citizenship. This thesis by articles explores these issues from both a theoretical and an empirical perspectives. In a first article, we theoretically deal with the normative tension between Indigenous individuals’ electoral participation and self-determination. We argue that the normative tension between the two largely depends on one’s conception of self-determination as a political project. In the second article, we use quantitative data to study the electoral behavior of Indigenous peoples. We argue that beyond partisan considerations, the electoral behaviour of Indigenous communities is heavily influenced by affinity voting. In the third article, we deal with the representation of indigenous people’s interests by indigenous MPs elected under the 42nd legislature. Our qualitative analysis of speeches in the House of Commons suggests that Indigenous MPs do tend to address indigenous-related issues more frequently and do so differently than other MPs. We conclude that, contrary to many of its critiques, the participation of Indigenous communities in Canadian democratic institutions cannot be reduced to a form of assimilation or a straightforward acceptance of the rules of Canadian citizenship. This renewed engagement should instead be located within a broader political movement and collective agency in defending and promoting distinct Indigenous peoples identities and interests.

This thesis aims to study if descriptive representation, i.e. the social likeness between representatives and population, is considered important and if it changes when a national parliament is prevented from convening in full-format during a crisis. A maintained descriptive representation is important as it reflects that representatives have equal opportunities to execute their representational duties during a crisis (fairness argument), and because the interests of underrepresented groups otherwise risk being represented to a lesser degree (interest argument). By adopting a mixed-methods approach, semi-structured interviews are used to study how representatives were selected to participate in the reduced voting procedures in the Swedish parliament during the COVID-19 pandemic, and if descriptive representation (gender, age, geographical) was considered in this process. Results show that while descriptive representation was considered by five out of eight party groups – most prominently gender representation motivated by the fairness argument – it was not as influential as other more practical factors in the selection process, such as proximity to parliament or the need of being present for other reasons. Furthermore, changes in the descriptive representation in the Swedish parliament are studied by voting data using descriptive statistics and regression analysis. Results show that the share of women increased slightly during votes during the pandemic, contrary to developments in many other parliaments. Representatives over 65 years old decreased, as did representatives from constituencies far from parliament. Significant differences in average voting participation rate arose for the different age and geographical groups, indicating unequal opportunities to execute their representational duties during the crisis.