This thesis explores the relationship between development, Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the military in order to determine both the nature and effects of that relationship, and how the involvement of the military within ODA can be conducted in the most appropriate manner to support development. This study was conducted with regard to the current links between security and development within international relations and concerns that ODA is being drawn from a primarily development role to one that more explicitly supports national foreign and security policy ends instead. This issue is explored by defining development, ODA and the military as separate variables and then employing a grounded theory approach to develop an understanding of the relationship between them. The results of the study show that the involvement of the military within ODA and development may occur throughout the full range of operational contexts in which the military may be employed and can encompass activities throughout the scope of the functions of development. This involvement can in turn create a range of positive and negative impacts upon the conduct of ODA and development as the military serves to moderate the direction and strength of the relationship between the two. From this, the role of the military within ODA is identified as potentially an enabling, implementing and coordinating agency – primarily during times of crisis and conflict. The study then relates this role back to the wider context through considering the management of the military’s role and identifying the policies, parameters and procedures that may help to ensure that this role is conducted in the most appropriate manner for development.

The Rural Energy Enterprise Development (REED) initiative provides assistance to energy-related enterprises to prepare them for growth and to make eventual investments by mainstream financial partners less risky. This study assesses the non-financial returns of a number of REED-type enterprises and provides guidance for the selection and ongoing evaluation of these enterprises within the context of development interventions. This study concludes that desired development outcomes should provide the basis for programme objectives against which non-financial returns can be measured. However, qualitative information is also necessary, as the context within which an enterprise operates largely defines the importance of these returns. Further work to improve the understanding of this context is necessary prior to the development of a formalised monitoring programme. Limitations of the assessment process should be recorded and addressed through the ongoing review of the programme, other monitoring efforts and further research.

The Rural Energy Enterprise Development (REED) initiative provides assistance to energy-related enterprises to prepare them for growth and to make eventual investments by mainstream financial partners less risky. This study assesses the non-financial returns of a number of REED-type enterprises and provides guidance for the selection and ongoing evaluation of these enterprises within the context of development interventions. This study concludes that desired development outcomes should provide the basis for programme objectives against which non-financial returns can be measured. However, qualitative information is also necessary, as the context within which an enterprise operates largely defines the importance of these returns. Further work to improve the understanding of this context is necessary prior to the development of a formalised monitoring programme. Limitations of the assessment process should be recorded and addressed through the ongoing review of the programme, other monitoring efforts and further research.

Plus du tiers des enfants non scolarisés dans le monde vit actuellement dans des pays considérés comme fragiles. Principalement localisés en Afrique subsaharienne, ces pays, pour la plupart, ne seront pas en mesure de réaliser les objectifs de l’Éducation Pour Tous d’ici 2015. Se situant à la croisée de l’éducation comparée, des sciences politiques et de la sociologie des organisations, cette thèse explore empiriquement les conditions d’achèvement de l’EPT dans les contextes de fragilités.Malgré les ambigüités qui l’entourent, la notion d’État fragile a été adoptée en 2005 en tant que concept opérationnel par la plupart des organismes d’aide. Si les définitions de l’État fragile convergent sur un ensemble de critères spécifiques (institutions dysfonctionnelles, instabilité sociopolitique chronique, accès limité aux services sociaux), la fragilité revêt des dimensions variées et connexes dont la sévérité rend la réalisation de la scolarisation primaire universelle singulièrement aléatoire. Dès lors, l’injonction faite aux États de fournir une édu-cation de base homogène aux populations, notamment aux plus pauvres, peut rencontrer des difficultés d’adaptation dans les contextes particuliers des États fragiles (chapitre 1). Les conflits armés constituent certainement la plus évidente origine de la fragilité des États et des pays. Les effets de ces conflits mettent à mal le développement éducatif et anéantissent toute perspective d’éducation pour une proportion d’enfants difficilement mesurable, parti-culièrement ceux issus de milieux pauvres et isolés. Les périodes d’instabilité signalent égale-ment l’impact des politiques des finances publiques ainsi que l’échec d’un gouvernement à investir dans des domaines sociaux tels que l’éducation, élément contribuant à l’émergence des valeurs d’un système politique à tendances démocratiques (chapitre 2). Dans la mesure où l’investissement éducatif est perçu comme une condition nécessaire, sinon suffisante, de sortie de la pauvreté, l’option d’impulser et d’accélérer le développement éducatif s’impose comme un critère d’opportunité pour la communauté internationale, quitte à exercer des formes d’ingérence. Les conclusions de notre analyse empirique montrent, dans la problématique des États fragiles, l’émergence d’une contradiction actuelle entre le caractère inclusif des objectifs de l’EPT et la nature excluante des paradigmes sur lesquels se fondent l’aide extérieure (efficacité et résultats). Cette situation conduit alors à s’interroger sur une approche de l’aide liée à une analyse morale écartelée entre les conséquences des actions individuelles ou communes et dont les critères et instruments financiers ne sont visiblement pas adaptés aux situations de fragilité (chapitre 3). / Currently, over a third of children not in school live in countries considered being as fragile. These countries, which are mainly located in sub-Saharan Africa, will not reach the objectives of Education For All for 2015. This thesis covers approaches across comparative education, political science and sociology of organizations. It explores empirically the condi¬tions of achievement of EFA within the contexts of fragility. Despite its ambiguities, the notion of fragile states was adopted in 2005 as an operational concept by most of aid agencies. Definitions of fragile state converge on a set of specific criteria (dysfunctional institutions, chronic socio-political instability, limited access to social services). Nevertheless, the former also cover various and related dimensions, whose severity makes universal primary education achievement particularly hazardous. Therefore, the in¬junction made to states to provide homogenous basic education for their population, espe¬cially in the poorest ones, may indeed encounter difficulties in the particular contexts of fragile states (chapter 1). Armed conflicts are certainly the most obvious cause of the fragility of states and countries. The effects of these conflicts undermine the educational system and destroy any prospect of education for a difficulty measurable proportion of children, especially those in poor and isolated environments. Periods of instability can also be seen in the impact of public finances policies and the failure of governments to invest in social areas such as education. The latter being an element that contributes to the emergence of values of a democratic political system (chapter 2). Insofar as investment in education is perceived as a necessary, if not sufficient, to vanquish poverty, the option to stimulate and accelerate the development of education constitutes an opportunity for the international community. Even if it means that the latter also has to ex¬ercise some forms of interference. The findings of our empirical analysis show, that within fragile states, the emergence of a current contradiction between the inclusive nature of the EFA goals and the exclusionary nature of the paradigms on which foreign aid is based (effec¬tiveness and results). This situation leads us to question the approach of aid which is torn morally between the consequences of individual actions or common actions where the finan¬cial criteria and instruments are clearly not adapted to situations of fragility (chapter 3).

La politique de coopération au développement représente une part très importante de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne, ne serait-ce qu'en termes budgétaires. Cette thèse s'interroge sur la manière dont les valeurs inscrites dans les traités européens (démocratie, droits de l'homme et Etat de droit) sont promues par le biais de la coopération au développement. Pour ce faire, le concept de « puissance normative » (Manners, 2002) a été mobilisé comme idéaltype afin d'analyser la façon dont l'Union conduit sa politique de coopération au développement. La politique de coopération au développement est étudiée dans sa dimension globale, à travers l'analyse des méthodes européennes, et dans sa dimension concrète, c'est-à-dire par l'étude des projets de terrain financés par l'UE dans ses pays partenaires. Le cas des projets de soutien à la réforme pénitentiaire a été choisi, afin de comprendre comment se déroule la diffusion des normes sur le terrain, dans un domaine régalien, et dans lequel l'UE ne dispose pas d'une compétence interne. En définitive, l'UE ne dispose pas d'une spécificité normative permettant de la distinguer des autres acteurs du système international en tant que puissance normative. La coopération au développement apparaît subordonnée à la politique extérieure, les préoccupations stratégiques l'emportant alors sur l'objectif de diffusion des normes. Sur le terrain, les projets financés par l'UE répondent à des considérations bureaucratiques portées par les délégations de l'UE. Plus qu'un moyen de diffusion des normes, les projets sont considérés par les agents européens comme un moyen de faire vivre la coopération, quels que soient, au final, leurs résultats. Reste alors l'espace d'échange qu'auront ouvert de tels projets, permettant aux experts étrangers et aux fonctionnaires de l'Etat bénéficiaire de confronter leurs pratiques administratives, et d'envisager, éventuellement, de nouvelles « solutions » d'action publique. / The European Union's development cooperation policy represents an important part of its external action, not least in budgetary terms. This thesis deals with the way soft norms (democracy, human rights and the rule of law) are promoted through development cooperation. The concept of « normative power » (Manners, 2002) is used as an idealtype to analyze the way the Union handles its development cooperation policy. The development cooperation policy is studied in its general dimension, through the analysis of European methods, and in its concrete dimension, i.e. through the field study of projects funded by the EU in partner countries. The case of projects supporting penitentiary reform was selected, as it allowed us to study the diffusion of norms on the ground in an area of sovereignty. Ultimately, the EU doesn't reveal much normative uniqueness compared to the other actors of international relations. The qualification of « normative power » doesn't seem appropriate for the EU as an international actor. The development cooperation policy is dependent on the external policy, and strategic concerns prevail over the diffusion of norms. On the ground, the EU delegations consider the development projects as a bureaucratic exercise, aimed at embodying the relation of cooperation, whatever the final results of the projects. Still, these projects create a forum where foreign experts and civil servants from the beneficiary state can exchange on their administrative practices and potentially imagine new public policy « solutions ».

Sweden introduced a development assistance policy in 1952 and thirteen years later Sida, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency started, in 1965. But in 1995, five separate development assistance authorities came together and established the new Sida as it is today. Sida is Sweden’s representative in the development assistance policy field and they work through projects that have to be presented through a Country Strategy Process (CSP). The aim of this paper is to point out Sida’s perspective on the conducted development assistance policy and what guide lines that are followed. The main purpose of the development assistance policy is to create better conditions for the distressed countries. Russia is a country that receives big sums of money from Sida, but the support given is about to be phased out and in 2010 it will be completely terminated. The cooperation with Russia will go through a transition to normal cross-border cooperation as a neighboring country. We have chosen to characterize Sida’s work with Russia and other countries through two perspectives on poverty; an orthodox perspective, which is a more ideologically conservative approach, and an alternative perspective, which is a more liberal approach.

This study examines different ideas concerning problem, strategy, means and goal about development and underdevelopment in Swedish civil society organizations and Swedish governmental institutions active in the area of human rights and democracy in Uganda. This is done by first; creating a model over explainable options with the help of theories of development and underdevelopment, second; determining which theoretical perspective that SIDA and the civil society work by. The data collected consist of qualitative literature studies, analyses of policy and strategy documents dealing with development and underdevelopment. The theoretical standpoint in the study is brought from the theory of development assistance as part of foreign policy, an area traditionally dominated by the nation, development theories and the roll of civil society. By using the analytical model we get results that show that there is a big coherence in ideas concerning the goal where the focus is poverty reduction. There are major differences concerning ideas about strategy and problem, though at majority of the actors declare both internal and external factors to underdevelopment. The leading idea about strategy is complementary implementations like organization of individuals, self-trust and spiritual development, ideas where civil society is represented. There are several ideas of means represented in both SIDA and the civil society but SIDA differs on additional ideas such as privatization and recommendations of governmental regulations.

Adopting a Strategic Sustainable Development (SSD) approach to official bilateral development assistance could result in more effective development planning that yields lasting results in developing countries. A Framework for Strategic Sustainable Development Assistance (FSSDA) based on SSD and customised to the needs of a development agency offers guidance in planning for development towards sustainability. This it does by directing donor and recipient planners in generating holistic perspectives, setting the goal of development as an attractive and sustainable society, and providing a flexible decision-making framework to guide strategic planning. Development assistance donor agencies face several difficulties in ensuring aid effectiveness. The FSSDA offers support in addressing these challenges by: positioning the creation of sustainable societies as the fundamental goal of development; allowing progress against imminent sustainability threats while minimizing the risk of unforeseen negative impacts; balancing economic, environmental and social considerations; and providing a fairer basis for aid conditionality.

Following the dramatic takeoff of contemporary China-Africa relationship in the late 1990s, this once neglected international phenomenon has become one of the most topical themes over the past decade. This new popularity is due not only to the growing importance of both China and Africa on the global stage, but also China's rapidly increasing foreign aid on the continent. However, whilst most scholars are focusing on the financial side of the story – the massive concessional loan deals, the generous investments in natural resources and so forth, the primary purpose of this foreign aid – assisting African recipient countries' economic and welfare development – has only generated minimal interest. Little is known regarding how China delivers its foreign aid, and even less about how this foreign aid actually works in the African recipient countries. In light of this situation, this study asks: How has China's foreign aid been assisting Africa's development? On the basis of drawing specific attention to the effectiveness and sustainability of China's foreign aid in Africa, this study also explores the factors that affect these outcomes. Which, as this study finds out in the end, friendship – a factor that is often overlooked by Western scholars and patriotically examined by Chinese scholars. Not only has it continuously played a substantial role in shaping the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, but it is also frequently the most influential underlying consideration that practically undermines China's foreign aid outcomes. All in all, whilst purposed to promote China's foreign aid outcomes, this study improves our understanding of China's foreign aid in Africa. As well it delves into the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, assesses its performance, this study finds the shortcomings of China's foreign aid at present and searches for practical solutions that may contribute to its future development.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research acknowledges that although literature abounds on development assistance in general, not much has been published yet on Cameroon specifically. Therefore, this mini-thesis seeks to contribute to fill this gap. Moreover, it aims to examine both development assistance legislative frameworks in Cameroon and above all to compare them in order to find out which development assistance approach is the most aligned in terms of international obligations relative to human rights and economic development. The IMF-World Bank’s Comprehensive Approach to debt Reduction, (the HIPC Initiative), and China’s White Paper on Foreign Aid have been specifically chosen for this research for two main reasons: first, these two international instruments are significantly impacting upon and reshaping Cameroon’s political, social and economic development architecture since Cameroon economic crisis exists till today; and secondly, to enlighten the public, academicians, policy makers, on development assistance in Cameroon given that legal sources on the topic exist but mostly unpublished and inaccessible Therefore this research will be restricted to the period from Cameroon’s economic crisis in 1980 up to 2014. Given the limited availability of primary legal sources at both the international and domestic levels, this research will primarily look at HIPC Initiative Agreement and the Chinese White Paper on Foreign Aid. Moreover, this study will be conducted in form of the available HIPC documents and reports on Cameroon regularly published by the staff of IMF and the World Bank and specifically the HIPC Decision Point Document and the HIPC Completion Point Document of Cameroon. In addition, this study will rely on primary legal sources relative to states international obligations regarding human rights and economic cooperation such as, the UDHR (10 December 1948), the ICCPR (16 December 1966), the ICESCR (16 December 1966) and the Declaration on the Right to Development (4 December 1986). In the case of China’s development assistance approach, given that neither China nor Cameroon release specific bilateral treaties or agreements related to their development co-operation and the fact that documents and publications relative to Cameroon’s development assistance are mostly unpublished and inaccessible, this study will principally focus on the Chinese White Paper on Foreign Aid. It will also look, amongst others, at the Beijing Declaration of the FOCAC (2004), the White Paper on China-Africa Economic and Trade Co-operation (August 2013). Moreover this research will be complemented through secondary sources such as books, journals articles, report, working papers, press reviews, drafts, deliberation of international conferences and international summits, and internet sources