The aim of the thesis "Analysis of the Pontifical Missionary Societies' (PMS) Activities in the Czech Republic" is to determine to what extent the activities of Czech PMS are truly missionary. First, basic terms are defined: mission, charity, humanitarian aid, and development assistance (Chapter 1). What they all have in common is caring for others; charity and mission have religious motivation and are carried out by the Church, whereas humanitarian aid and development assistance are matters of a secular state (though in everyday use the terms are often confused). Charity, i. e. selfless help to those in need, does not have a religious goal, it is not an instrument of evangelization unlike mission, whose aim it is to proclaim the Gospel (Chapter 2). Mission lies at the heart of the PMS on a worldwide scale and for this purpose they were established: Society for the Propagation of the Faith 1822, Society of the Holy Childhood 1843, Society of St. Peter the Apostle 1889, and Missionary Union 1916 (Chapter 3). Since their renewal in the CR in 1993 the Societies have developed a wide range of membership forms and activities, and collection yields have grown tenfold (Chapter 4). What the money is spent on determines the basic character of the institution. Exact data of the National Office for 2011 and 2012 show...

This work maps currant situation of development assistance in Zimbabwe. It summarizes currant situation of this activity in this country and shows basic development problems: "Double-law" system, women empowerment, "Sugar mummies and sugar daddies" phenomena, religion syncretism, fear factor, "child- headed" families and a "vicious circle of poverty". This thesis states these basic development outcomes: Microfinancing, use of "physical economy" and political changes. It is divided in two main parts; theoretical and practical. In the theoretical-one it deals with geo-population discourse and historical-political discourse so that the outcomes can to be place into context of currant development problems. In practical- one it deals with research question and hypothesis, as well as own investigation at the place. It shows the general interest in development assistance in terms of education, not only in terms of money (which was anticipated). At the end there is a discussion chapter, based mostly on personal experience, which I gained during the residencies HTF UK in 2011 and 2012. The end deals with outcomes, which were done by investigation and mentioned discourses.

Cette thèse est le résultat de l'observation des politiques de développement des pays africains depuis les indépendances dans les années 1960. Il ressort que le continent reste encore dépendant de l'extérieur. De là, les bailleurs de fonds et les institutions de développement internationales ont changé de stratégies en s'orientant vers « la coopération non-Gouvernementale », dont les associations et les O.N.G constituent les canaux d'acheminement de l'aide et des projets pour les institutions et les populations. Malgré ce changement de stratégies, la pauvreté persiste. Ce qui nous conduit à reprendre l'analyse du phénomène du développement en cherchant à expliquer le contraste entre la prolifération des O.N.G dans la lutte pour la réduction de la pauvreté et sa persistance. / The results of this study are based on observations made of the development policies of African countries, since the independence of these African countries in 1960. lt appears that the continent is still structurally dependent from outside entities. So, donors and international development institutions have decided to change their strategies and moved towards a new form of cooperation called « Non-Governmental cooperation » by using associations and NGOs as delivery channels to birth projects and aid for institutions as well as populations. With these changes in strategy, the poverty still persists. The subject matter of our research is what explains the contrast betvveen the proliferation of NGOs and non-Poverty reduction solutions and the Iack of actual results.

: Avec la globalisation, le concept de développement a progressivement évolué vers une logique d’ouverture plus ou moins contrôlée sur le monde extérieur et orientée par la libéralisation des échanges économiques, diplomatiques et culturelles. L’évolution des relations internationales marquée par cette stratégie d’ouverture a graduellement induit une transformation de la géopolitique mondiale. De nouvelles puissances économiques émergent et ravivent l’intérêt autour du financement du développement dans les pays à faible revenu. A cet égard, le cas de la Chine, qui ficelle minutieusement ses relations avec les pays africains nous interpelle. Par conséquent, cette thèse porte un regard scientifique sur l’intensification des relations sino-africaines dans un contexte de financement du développement. En partant du cadre théorique relatif au lien entre ouverture et croissance, elle ambitionne de démontrer dans quelle mesure l’expérience réussie de la Chine en matière d’ouverture maitrisée sur le reste du monde peut être un atout pour les économies d’Afrique subsaharienne (ASS). En particulier, notre argumentaire repose sur la base de recherches qualitatives et quantitatives menées sur un échantillon de dix pays d’ASS. Aussi, cette thèse veille à mettre en évidence comment le renforcement de la relation sino-africaine qui se manifeste par un accroissement des échanges commerciaux, des flux d’investissements et des flux d’aide, contribue au financement du développement dans les pays d’ASS. / With globalization, the concept of development has gradually evolved into logic of a more or less controlled opening to the outside world, guided by the liberalization of economic, diplomatic and cultural exchanges. The evolution of international relations marked by this opening strategy has gradually induced a transformation of global geopolitics. New economic powers are emerging and reviving an interest around the financing of development in low-income countries. In this regard, the case of China, which is carefully building relations with African countries, challenges us. Therefore, this thesis takes a look at the intensification of Sino-African relations in the context of development finance. Starting from the theoretical framework for the relationship between openness and growth, it aims to demonstrate how the successful experience of China's opening to the rest of the world can be an asset to the economies of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). In particular, our argument is based on qualitative and quantitative analysis conducted on a sample of ten SSA countries. It also highlights how the strengthening of China-Africa relations, through an increase in trade, investment and aid flows, contributes to the financing of development.

The goal of the thesis is to characterize specific features of China's foreign policy towards African continent and to analyze whether China is capable of contributing to long-term sustainable development in the poorest region of the world. The first chapter is focused on the theory of economic diplomacy and decribes its main functions, tools and actors. Following part represents a brief overview of the history of sino-african relations, with the aim to define the main motives for mutual cooperation. The characteristic of economic relations between China and Africa follows, with the focus on trade, foreign direct investment and development assistance. Conluding part deals with the identification and evaluation of main benefits and threats of the growing presence of China in Africa with respect to the long-term sustainable development in the region.

本論文的研究問題是探求外壓對日本ODA的影響如何;其次,在探討日本的國內因素對日本ODA的影響。因此本文將分為五章,第一章和第二章屬於文獻探討(Literature Review)的性質,第一章除了將目前對外援助相關的研究作一番整理和檢討之外,希望釐清先進諸國提供對外援助動機(motivations)的本質為何?依照學界普遍的看法和多數文獻的結論認為:先進扆□斯堪地那維亞諸國例外)提供對外援助的動機,基本上是出自利己的動機,捐輸國利益模型對援外行為的解釋力較強,日本援外的行為亦復如此。第二章則針對目前有關日本援外政策研究所運用的方法,其成敗得失如何作檢討。作者將目前日本個案的相關研究,分為外交政策研究途徑 和國際經濟政策研究途徑;前者是偏重日本如何因應國際外壓的研究,而後者則強調日本國內因素,對ODA決策影響的研究。作者認為國際層次與國內層次的分析,對全面性瞭解日本ODA的決策有相當的助益,忽視任何一方都將誤解日本ODA決策行為的本質。第三章即透過各項具體的數據,表現日本自一九七五年至一九九零年止,日本ODA質與量的表現,地理分配的集中度,ODA分配領域的問題等,最後再對比分析日本ODA與貿易,對外直接投資三者間的關係。本章最重要的論證認為,外壓對日本ODA的分配行為不具實質的影響力,因為從本章的各項數據中顯示,日本ODA的分配和實施,可以說維持了一個相當穩定的型態,除了特定時期基於冷戰的考慮,所提供的戰 略援助之外,可以說並未因為他國的要請和壓力而改變ODA的分配和實施。第四章即針對日本ODA的決策,在分權式決策體制的架構下所產生的現象作一番探討。由於日本ODA的決策和實施並無專責及統一事權的專門機構,四省廳協議體制使得主管經濟事務的省廳因為掌控ODA事業的專業技能及專門人才及預算的權力,因而在協議決策時享有較大的發言權,外務省在這方面則相對的弱勢;此外,主管經濟事務的省廳因為背後都有國內利益團體和選民選票的支持與壓力,所以在協議決策時也比外務省的表現更強勢。本章更深入分析主管經濟事務的省廳如何在(amakudari;中文謂空降部隊)的制度下,和日本企業間緊密的連結(linkage),說明日本政府部門和民間企業部門能夠如膂使臂,維持如此融洽何作關係的原因。冷戰結束之後,國際體系對日本國家行為的限制和影響已產生改變,日本未來將如何扮演其和平經濟大國的角色呢?作為日本重要外交政策工具的ODA,面臨新的國際情勢應該如何體現日本政府的政策理念呢?第四章的第四節將綜合整理日本文獻的討論,試圖拼湊刻正浮現中的日本援外理念,以期瞭解未來日本援外政策的發展方向。最後第五章結論的部份,作者認為來自國際層次的外壓因素,對日本ODA政策行為的影響,遠不如來自國內層次的自利因素。

This study is concerned with Canadas policy towards peace, security and development in Africa. It examines Canadas response to these issues in relation to the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD), the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Security Mechanism. With the intensification of violent conflicts in parts of Africa and their impact on individuals, communities, and socioeconomic development, African leaders transformed the OAU into the AU and established APSA to promote regional and human security in Africa. At the sub-regional level, West African leaders established the ECOWAS Security Mechanism to address the (human) security deficit in the West Africa region. These institutional transformations coincided with the launching of the NEPAD, which became one of the central instruments of engagement between Africa and the international community to address the peace, security and development challenges on the African continent. Canadas response to the NEPAD under the Liberal government of Jean Chrtien came in the form of a $500 million Canada fund for Africa (CFA) that among other things supported the capacity building of APSA and the ECOWAS Security Mechanism. The promotion of human security played a key role in Canadas approach to the AU and ECOWAS peace and security capacity building. I use a non-imperial internationalist approach that draws on the theoretical insights of a constructivist approach to international relations to provide an understanding of the Canadian governments policy. I argue that the Canadian governments policy towards the AU and ECOWAS can be understood in terms of the moral identity that Canada has built or acquired over the years in Africa. While this moral identity provides the means through which Canadian interests are pursued in Africa, it appears that the interest in maintaining this image has overshadowed the need for the Canadian government to craft an overarching policy and put resources behind the rhetoric of promoting peace and security, particularly human security in Africa.

This study analyses the history of a large hydroelectric scheme – the Great Ruaha power project in Tanzania. The objective is to establish why and how this specific scheme came about, and as part of this to identify the key actors involved in the decision-making process, including the ideological contexts within which they acted. Although the Tanzanian actors and the World Bank (IBRD) are discussed, main focus is on the Swedish actors on project level.Kidatu, the first phase of the Great Ruaha power project (constructed between1970-1975), became the first large-scale hydropower station in Tanzania. As such, it paved the way for Tanzanian entrance into the Big Dam Era and significant changes within the Tanzanian landscape. As well as the dry river bed at Kidatu, and the small reservoir that precedes it, the Great Ruaha power project also involved the creation of a huge artificial lake, the Mtera reservoir. The Kidatu hydropower station was the first large undertaking within Swedish bilateral aid, and implied the takeover of control of hydropower construction in Tanzania by Swedish enterprises, replacing the enterprises of the former colonial power. A hydropower plant is a complex technoscientific artefact. The construction of a hydropower plant is preceded by a large number of technological choices, scientific prestudies and estimations of costs and revenues. A hydropower plant is also a complex social creation, and is as such filled with social actors engaged in conflicts, compromises and power structures. The decision to construct Kidatu hydropower station was a result of negotiations and activities within what is called “development assistance”. This brings in yet another dimension, the political one, involving export and import of technology, foreign capital, and foreign influence in decision-making processes, as well as ideas about how to bring development and progress to a people supposed to be living in “poverty and misery”. The study is divided into three main parts. The first part analyses the context of Swedish development assistance in the support to the construction of hydropower plants. This part discusses Swedish state-supported hydropower exploitation of indigenous people’s territory within Sweden’s borders in the 20th century and the background of Swedish development assistance, from the 1950s to the early 1960s. The second part analyses the event of Swedish development assistance entering Tanzania and the Great Ruaha power project, with the main focus being on the period 1965 – 1970. The third part is an analysis of the technoscientific basis for the decisions taken to implement the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme. Main focus is on the period 1969-1974, discussed against the backdrop of precolonial and colonial studies. While focus is on the 1960s and 1970s, in both part two and three events in the 1980s and 1990s are discussed. The study shows that although Sweden was not a colonial power in Tanzania, colonial imagery, and relations to the colonial era, as well as Sweden’s background of internal colonialisation, exerted an influence on the decision-making process and the actors involved in the Great Ruaha power project.The study is mainly based on archival sources, complemented with oral sources from Tanzania and Sweden. Recognizing the complexity of large-scale hydropower and the attempts to control watercourses that large scale hydropower necessitates, in the specific context of decolonisation and development assistance that the decision-making process behind the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme reveals, the analysis of the actors involved is based on feminist and postcolonial perspectives. / QC 20100825

This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

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