The purpose of this essay is to examine the Swedish governments discourse on integration of immigrants and thereby examine what social reality it constructs. The aim is to examine how integration and immigrants are constructed within the discourse. The method and theory being used in this essay is discourse theory. As a methodological instrument we use the policy on functional impairment as a comparison. The material being analyzed in this essay is political documents on the strategy on integration policy and the strategy on the policy of functional impairment. The main conclusions of the study are that immigrants are constructed as a homogenous group and immigrants are being discursively separated from the majority society. Social exclusion serves as an identity within the discourse. Another main conclusion is that integration is connected to labour and firstly constructed as labour market policy within the discourse. Integration is also related to social exclusion. The government often uses the term social exclusion instead of the term integration. The comparison with the policy on functional impairment serves as a possible alterative way of understanding integration and identity.

This study explores the hegemonic articulation of ‘feminist politics’ by the Swedish political party Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiativ) during 2014 national parliamentary election campaign. The analysis is carried out on two levels: the construction of the hegemonic project of feminist politics and the construction of an antagonist.      Deploying the discourse-theoretical approach by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as well as the theories of radical democracy and intersectionality, it is shown how a new, broad collective feminist identity is produced by deconstructing womanhood as an identifiable and unproblematic category as well as expanding the signifying chain of feminism by including new social struggles into it. As a result, the feminist subject is conceptualized in radical-democratic terms as a citizen with equal rights, rather than an essentialized female subject. Two nodal points that fix the meaning of the hegemonic project of feminist politics are identified: one is human rights, which enables the expansion of the chain of equivalence, and the other is experience of oppression, which acknowledges differences existing within the movement and prevents it from muting marginalized voices. Discrimination, being the constitutive outside, both threatens and produces the subject: on the one hand, it violates human rights that underlie feminist politics; on the other hand, it produces the experience of oppression that gives a unique feminist perspective to each member of the collective identity. The hegemonic project thus emerges as dependent on the oppressive power of discrimination. The study suggests a critical discussion on how the constitutive outside – discrimination – empties the concept of feminism by a radical expansion of its meaning.    The research furthermore explores the construction of the antagonist of the hegemonic project. Utilizing analytical concepts from the writings of Jacques Lacan and Slavoj Žižek, it is demonstrated how social structures and norms acquire agency and become the significant Other for the feminist identity. The thesis is concluded by a critical discussion on the fundamental impossibility of identification based on opposing oneself to something that can only be expressed with a signifier that ultimately lacks any signified.

The Austrian mental health care system has been characterized by reform initiatives since the 1970s. The reform strategies can be summarized under the term 'community mental health care'. The thesis focuses on an analysis of the reform (context) and the related challenges for mental health care financing with respect to its interdependencies with service provision in the process of change. In a qualitative research process, firstly, reform documents and transcripts of qualitative interviews have been analyzed via a discourse-analytical approach. Secondly, secondary data on mental health care financing in Austria and in western European countries have been collected. An analytical framework was, finally, applied to analyze the interrelations between mental health care financing and reform discourse with respect to its impact on the micro-level and on the macro-level of the mental health care system. The results show that the reform discourse reflects broader welfare state transformation processes. Yet, financing issues have hardly been addressed in reform discussions. Nevertheless, discursive elements are either explicitly or implicitly associated with financing issues or are even linked to specific financing models. A central impact from the restructuring processes on the micro-level is an increasing (financial) responsibility for people who are affected by a mental disorder and/or their relatives. On the macro-level, the processes of change are related to decreasing (financial) responsibility for the sector 'state' while responsibility for the sectors 'family' and 'voluntary/community' is rising. The international development shows similar characteristics. The thesis finishes with some recommendations for developing an alternative financing model and provides a guideline for a comprehensive discussion of alternative mental health care financing approaches. (author´s abstract)

Democracy Now! is an independently syndicated hour long daily audio and video program that is broadcast on 1179 radio, television, and internet stations throughout the world, as well as being freely available on their website under a Creative-Commons License. They are a global news organization based in New York City, with the stated goal of providing “rarely heard” perspectives in their coverage. Democracy Now! was one of the early independent news organizations to provide continuous coverage of the Occupy Wall Street protest in New York's Zuccotti park. Their early coverage of the movement is relevant to the extent that it helps to obviate the demographics of the OWS movement as well as highlight the potential for a “radically-democratic agonistic pluralism,” as conceptualized by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Through the dual frames of discourse and intersectionality theories, this qualitiative study examines the coverage of Occupy Wall Street by Democracy Now!, in an attempt to understand the interplay of the movement's demographic heterogeneity and the manner in which its public antagonism is characterized by this independent media outlet. The sociopolitical and historical context provided by Democracy Now! is used to understand where the outlet exists with in the media as well as if this coverage can be part of “radical democratic possibilities.”

Den här uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka hur vegetariska kampanjer, som exempelvis Köttfri måndag, framställs i svenska tidningar. Detta sker genom en diskursanalys av tidningsartiklar från både lokala och rikstäckande tidningar samt av artiklar som enbart finns publicerade på internet. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt är Foucaults tankar om diskursen och dess samband med makt och kunskap samt Laclau & Mouffes diskursteori. De tidningsartiklar som valts ut för analys har alla på något sätt kunnat relateras till vegetariska kampanjer. Under analysen har det insamlade materialet sorterats in under fem olika teman som de respektive artiklarna berör. Dessa teman är: politik, miljö, ekonomi, etik och hälsa. Resultaten visar att det, inom alla teman, har kunnat identifieras motstridiga diskurser som skiljer sig i sin framställning av vegetariska kampanjer och som använder sig av olika strategier i denna process. Ett av de mer intressanta resultaten visar på en tydlig skillnad i framställningen av vegetariska kampanjer mellan de två diskurser som identifierats inom det politiska temat. Vidare så anser vi att denna skillnad kan knytas till de politiska ideologierna liberalism respektive socialism och den motsättning avseende grundläggande värden som där föreligger. Något förvånande var frånvaron av artiklar under det etiska temat då de etiska implikationerna av köttätande förväntades spela en central roll i förespråkandet av vegetariska kampanjer. En slutsats som möjligtvis kan dras av detta är att vegetariska kampanjer bör betraktas som en del av miljörörelsen snarare än som en vegetarisk rörelse vilket namnet antyder. / This essay aims to study how vegetarian campaigns, for instance Meatless Mondays, are presented in Swedish newspapers. This is done by a discourse analysis of newspaper articles, which include both regional and nationwide newspapers, as well as articles that are only available through the Internet. The essays theoretical background stems from Foucaults thoughts on the discourse and its relation to power and knowledge as well as Laclau & Mouffes discourse theory. All of the articles that have been selected for further analysis are in some way related to vegetarian campaigns. In the analysis of the gathered material, the articles have been sorted under five different themes, which in some way relate to the subject matter of the different articles. These themes are: political, environmental, economical, ethical and health. The results show that several contradicting discourses can be identified in all of the themes. These discourses differ in their presentation of vegetarian campaigns and utilize different strategies in doing so. One of the more interesting results showed that there is a clear difference in how the two discourses, that were identified in the politics theme, presents vegetarian campaigns. Furthermore we believe that this difference can been linked to the two ideologies liberalism and socialism and more specifically to the way in which they differ in their primary values. Somewhat surprising was the absence of articles in the ethical theme as we were expecting the ethical implications of meat eating to play a central role in the advocating of vegetarian campaigns. A conclusion that one might be able to draw from this is that vegetarian campaigns should be viewed as part of the environmental movement rather than as a vegetarian movement that the name suggests.

The aim of this study was to investigate how the position of the preschool teacher could come across in interviews with six teachers about their assignment to document and evaluate the preschool activity. The research done so far in this area shows that it can be a complex and difficult part of the preschool teachers work. A dilemma often described is how the teachers can be able to analyze and document the children´s learning with the aim to evaluate and develop the preschool activity without judging and mapping the children. A special focus of the study was to see how the methods and dsicourses described by the teachers possibly could affect the teachers´s position in the area of documentation and evaluation. To analyze the empirical data Ernesto Laclau (1935-2014) &amp; Chantal Mouffe´s discourse theory was used, a prespective witch also figured to be the theoretical foundation of the master thesis. The result of the study showed that the teachers often described themselves in a position between conflicting discourses. This was most apparent in relation to what seems to be a rather new material, focusing on mapping the individual children´s abilities. It could be interpreted that this material and the positioning of the preschool teacher in relation to it, is a part of a trend<img src="https://cdncache-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png" /><img src="https://cdncache-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png" /> that has been described by other researchers, where an Anglo-Saxon evaluation tradition with focus on the individual rather than the preschool as a whole is spreading.

This thesis analyzes the media debates generated by the election of Omar Mustafa to the board of the social democratic party, and the appointment of the conservative Minister of Labour, Elisabeth Svantesson. More specifically, the aim is to analyze newspaper material through a discourse analyze, to see if and how religious affiliation effects the possibilities to act as a political representative. Theories of othering and intersectionality serve as theoretical points of departure. Further, chains of equivalence from Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory are used to study how categories as “us” and “the other” are constructed in the material, and how these processes of categorization relate to the intersection of religion, gender and ethnicity. This study concludes that the discourse affects the possibilities to be categorized as a part of an “us” or “the other” and, according to this categorization, to act as political representatives. Related to the studied media debates, this result can be seen as a part of the explanation of the development in the specific cases; Mustafa is leaving all of his political assignments, while Svantesson remains as Minister of Labour.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:56:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karin BetiatiReginaldo.pdf: 862590 bytes, checksum: b7ea29de54d4cce3cc6e21b180c1177b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-01 / This work aims to achieve a rhetorical analysis of the argumentation of journalism through excerpts of the speech said by the character of the television reporter Edward R. Murrow at two times of transmission of the TV show See It Now, portrayed in the movie Good Night and Good Luck (2005), and to verify if the content of these arguments is, essentially, technical and legitimating order based on the Rhetorical Discourse Theory (TRD). This film work deals with the period that, during the first days of broadcast journalism in the 50s, in the United States, the reporter fights the McCarthyism excesses made in the investigations against communism led by the Senator Joseph McCarthy. In an attempt to clarify the facts to the audience, Murrow and his team perform a work of news production based on the search and transmission of information and opinions that go against the senator s actions. Considering that See It Now was a program that allowed the incursion of his presenter s views and it was transmitted in time dedicated to a more specialized public (audience), it is understood that the proposal argumentation presented a theoretical based on the knowledge (technical data, logos) and on the image of the speaker (ethos). This investigation process happens on the basis of theoretical and methodological model of TRD that supports on classical rhetoric and it incorporates some principles of other theories about discourse. The TRD presupposes as the main attribute of the argumentation the proposition of a thesis that the speaker seeks adhesion. In this context, it is understood that Murrow, as representative of journalism in this film work, works to make the audience join the thesis that propose through this argumentation more focused on the technique and legitimacy, contemplated in the Dimension Evidential of the Argumentation (ethos , pathos and logos), referring to the thesis justification. The other two dimensions that TRD predicted are the Aesthetics and Politics. The first is about the discursive development of argumentation to attract the audience attention through the extra resources and the second refers to the negotiation of the relations of power between the rhetorical subjects. The main authors that base this research are Aristóteles (2005), Dittrich (2003, 2005, 2008, 2009), Berger (2002), Marcondes Filho (2009), Melo (2009), Traquina (2005), with respect to rhetoric, to TRD and to the journalistic language, respectively. It was noticed in this research, that besides the effectuation of initial hypothesis, there was the discovery of a significant presence of sensitizer arguments (pathos Evidential Dimension) over the course of one of the stages of analysis. It was also observed the need to continue this research in order to add the analytical possibilities stemming from Aesthetics and Politics Dimensions, that should include other possibilities that permeate the discourse on screen. / Este trabalho visa realizar uma análise retórica da argumentação do jornalismo por meio de excertos da fala proferida pelo personagem do repórter televisivo Edward R. Murrow em dois momentos da transmissão do programa de TV See It Now, retratado no filme Boa Noite e Boa Sorte (2005), e verificar se o teor destes argumentos é, essencialmente, de ordem técnica e legitimadora sob o aporte teórico da Teoria Retórica do Discurso (TRD). Esta obra fílmica aborda o período em que, durante os primeiros dias das transmissões jornalísticas, nos anos 50, nos Estados Unidos, o referido repórter combate o macartismo excessos praticados nas investigações contra o comunismo , liderado pelo senador Joseph McCarthy. Na tentativa de esclarecer os fatos ao público, Murrow e sua equipe realizam um trabalho de produção noticiosa baseada na pesquisa e transmissão de informações e opiniões que vão de encontro às ações do senador. Considerando que o See It Now era um programa que permitia a incursão de pontos de vista de seu apresentador e era transmitido em horário dedicado a um público-alvo mais especializado (auditório), compreende-se que a argumentação proposta apresentava uma fundamentação com base no conhecimento (dados técnicos, logos) e na imagem do orador (ethos). Este processo investigativo acontece com base no modelo teórico-metodológico da TRD que se apoia na retórica clássica e incorpora alguns princípios de outras teorias sobre o discurso. A TRD pressupõe como atributo principal da argumentação a proposição de uma tese para a qual o enunciador busca adesão. Neste âmbito, entende-se que Murrow, como representante do jornalismo nesta obra fílmica, trabalha no sentido de fazer com que o auditório adira às teses que propõe por meio desta argumentação mais focada na técnica e legitimidade, contempladas na Dimensão Probatória da Argumentação (ethos, pathos e logos), referente à justificação da tese. As outras duas dimensões que a TRD prevê são a Estética e a Política. A primeira é relativa ao desenvolvimento discursivo da argumentação para atrair a atenção do auditório por meio de recursos extras e a segunda se refere à negociação das relações de poder entre os sujeitos retóricos. Os principais autores que fundamentam esta pesquisa são Aristóteles (2005), Dittrich (2003, 2005, 2008, 2009), Berger (2002), Marcondes Filho (2009), Melo (2009), Traquina (2005), no que diz respeito à retórica, à TRD e à linguagem jornalística, respectivamente. Percebeuse nesta pesquisa, que além da efetivação da hipótese inicial, houve a descoberta de uma significativa presença de argumentos sensibilizadores (pathos Dimensão Probatória) no decorrer de uma das etapas das análises. Observou-se ainda, a necessidade de continuidade desta pesquisa no sentido de agregar as possibilidades analíticas advindas das Dimensões Estética e Política, as quais devem abranger outras possibilidades que permeiam o discurso em tela.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Neves Sapper_Dissertacao.pdf: 966320 bytes, checksum: e683b6375fc7f2a78eb2db34fa5fb619 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-16 / The present work aimed to identify, with the contribution of discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, the emergence of antagonistic poles of the last referendum held in Venezuela, with the guiding hypothesis of this study to claim that it is possible to put the "Si "was not necessarily in favor of Chavez, the same as the "No" was not made against the president of Venezuela, making plausible the personifying the manifestation of the poles (which is most evident in the formation of the "No"), demonstrations these focused on the significant conditional on each training antagonistic ("Si and "No"). The procediment of this research occurred with the theoretical study of the literature relevant to the subject and subsequent analysis of the speeches constitutional referendum occurred in Venezuela in 2007. / O Presente trabalho teve como objetivo evidenciar, com o aporte da teoria do discurso de Laclau e Mouffe, o surgimento dos pólos antagônicos do último Referendo realizado na Venezuela, sendo a hipótese norteadora do presente trabalho a afirmação de que é possível colocar que o Si não foi, necessariamente, a favor de Chávez, na mesma medida que o No não foi formado contra o presidente da Venezuela, tornando plausível a despersonificação das manifestações dos pólos (sendo esta mais evidente na formação do No ), manifestações estas voltadas para os significantes condicionados a cada formação antagônica ( Si e No ). A procedimentalização da pesquisa se deu com estudo teórico da bibliografia pertinente ao tema e posterior análise dos discursos do Referendo Constitucional ocorrido na Venezuela em 2007.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_Bruno_Goncalves_Dissertacao.pdf: 1397877 bytes, checksum: fd77130e8b3288827ea7c68edff588ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-26 / O presente estudo tem como objetivo principal analisar o comportamento discursivo do segmento evangélico na Câmara Federal, de 2003 a 2006, a partir dos pronunciamentos identificados nas sessões do Grande Expediente. O termo evangélico utilizado nesta dissertação recobre todas as denominações pentecostais, neopentecostais e protestantes históricas identificadas no Brasil no período investigado. A 52ª Legislatura, eleita em 2002, representou o ápice da participação dos evangélicos na política institucional. Atentos aos temas que entravam em pauta durante o exercício legislativo, estes parlamentares evangélicos demonstraram uma maior preocupação em torno de quatro grandes temáticas identificadas neste período: a entrada em vigor do novo Código Civil brasileiro em 2003, o Projeto de Lei de Biossegurança nº. 2.401/2003, a proposta de reforma política representada no Projeto de Lei nº. 2679/2003 e os escândalos de corrupção que abalaram a 52ª Legislatura. Para realizar a análise discursiva em torno destas temáticas, esta pesquisa terá como principal referencial a teoria de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, identificando, a partir deste aporte, o discurso enquanto prática política. Ao abordar o comportamento discursivo evangélico, apoiado nesta teoria, o presente trabalho pretende trazer subsídios para o campo das ciências sociais sobre a conexão entre política e religião no poder legislativo brasileiro, verificando assim, a existência ou não de uma bancada evangélica coesa neste espaço político de atuação