This study aims to describe the composition of people who held voting power in the municipality Växjö landsförsamling in the years 1882 and 1911. One system for the voting right was in place in 1882 and was replaced by a different system before 1911. The difference between the systems shows a movement towards a more democratic society, both between the sexes and economic classes. With intersectionality in mind, the study shows how both women and the economically disfavoured lose voting power through many mechanisms within the voting systems in place. Apart from there being fewer women than men with voting power in total, their income is generally lower, and their votes are fewer. Women also received fewer votes per unit of income in comparison to men. Female nurses were a group especially disfavoured by the voting systems in place, having a mean income which barely reaches the income threshold for more voting power. The study also describes the differences in voting power for people with different, showing how most of the actual votes are concentrated to the municipality’s richest people.

The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the voting restrictions of the Swedish franchise reform of 1909. These restrictions required that the voter should be a male of good repute, who had paid his national and local taxes for three years before the election year, had done his military service, had not been declared incapacitated or bankrupt nor owed society any poor relief. In practice, this meant that some 20% of the adult male population were excluded from voting. This study explores both the ideological beliefs and political strategies behind these restrictions, and how the system worked in practice at the national and local levels. Since earlier literature has paid scant attention to the voter’s status as a citizen, this dissertation uses citizenship as one of its analytical tools. Although often described as universal suffrage for men, the 1909 Electoral Law was thus less radical than is usually assumed. As you had to have fulfilled certain obligations as a citizen in order to vote, it is hard to say that voting was a right. A central role in formulating these new conditions was played by the Riksdag’s moderate Conservative group. The reform therefore had the potential to preserve the political influence of the Right in the age of mass democracy, not least as the question of the unrestricted franchise for men and women could be deferred. However, the 1909 Electoral Law was not only aimed at reducing the political influence of the lower classes, but the proponents of the system also wanted to educate the citizens ideologically by constructing an image of the ideal citizen as a self-supporting male, who fulfilled his obligations to society. The National Women’s Franchise Association, whose campaign demanded suffrage for women on the same conditions as men, therefore had to relate to a political discourse dominated by (male) civic virtues and qualifications, and argue that women made a major contribution by fulfilling their special obligations to society. Also, the tax payment and poor relief voting restrictions in the 1909 franchise reform had an impact on the way proposals for women’s right to vote were formulated. The Social Democrats, whose electorate was heavily affected by the taxpaying qualification, in their programme for a constitutional reform demanded that this particular restriction should be abolished. To limit the number of party voters excluded from the polls, Social Democratic newspapers and election offices tried to mobilise disenfranchised workers to appeal the electoral register and get back on it. Those activities, which have been largely neglected in earlier research on the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, came to constitute an important element in the party’s election campaigns during the 1910s. In Sweden, the poor relief voting restriction (the pauper exclusion) was applied in a much more general way than in other countries, disqualifying recipients of very small or provisional amounts that had not been repaid as well as family providers who had received poor relief because of family members. The rules also proved very difficult to put into practice. The Social Democrats and many Liberals, but also leading members of the Swedish Poor Relief Association wanted to reform the law so that only those permanently supported by poor relief should lose their right to vote. Unlike the Social Democrats, the Liberals supported the taxpaying qualification as a necessary token of orderliness. However, they wanted the conscientious poor taxpayers to be distinguished from those who were neglectful and dilatory. As the Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government, which came to power in 1917, found out, this proved impossible. Instead, the taxpaying qualification was abolished in connection with the 1918-1921 constitutional reform, which also gave women the vote and limited the poor relief voting restriction to those permanently receiving support. In sum, the 1909 franchise reform did not constitute a sharp divide between the old system of income and property qualifications and twentieth century democracy. There was a clear continuity with the former system, in which you earned the right to vote by fulfilling your obligations. The 1909 reform did not lead to universal suffrage for men. Instead, it should be regarded as an intermediate stage in the development towards universal suffrage. Property and income qualifications for voters were abolished, but new qualifications and new mechanisms for exclusion were introduced instead. In this respect, Sweden was not unique. Before adopting universal suffrage, many countries combined universal suffrage with various voting restrictions. In Sweden, however, the right to vote came with an unusually large number of conditions.

Au sortir de quatre années d’une guerre fratricide, les États-Unis s’engageaient sur la voie de la Reconstruction, période qui généra des questions autour de la liberté. Deux catégories étaient au cœur d’une actualité faite de rebondissements multiples : les Noirs et les femmes. Les uns parce que leurs soutiens abolitionnistes souhaitaient obtenir une citoyenneté immédiate (“This is the Negro’s hour”) ; les autres parce qu’elles étaient les alliées de longue date des mêmes abolitionnistes et réclamaient dorénavant le suffrage. Ce fut le début d’alliances, de mésalliances entre les hommes noirs, les suffragists, les femmes noires et leurs soutiens et adversaires respectifs, pris qu’ils étaient dans les péripéties de luttes et de causes qui, bien que complémentaires et concomitantes, demeurèrent souvent différentes voire divergentes sur le plan des principes et des stratégies de lutte, ce qui mena parfois à une hostilité réciproque. Tous entrèrent ainsi dans un jeu continu entre universalisme et particularisme (s) jusqu’à l’avènement du vote féminin (Sud mis à part) en 1920 puis du Voting Right Act (1865). Que la réussite des un(e)s dépendît ou non de la victoire des autres, les défaites successives des un(e)s et des autres montraient quant à elles les réticences d’une société traversée par les convulsions occasionnées par ses contradictions d’origine : depuis qu’elle avait proclamé tous les hommes (hormis les Noirs, les Amérindiens et les femmes) égaux. L’inclusion électorale des Noirs et des femmes fut effective au terme de plus d’un siècle de luttes, d’alliances et de mésalliances qui se succédèrent au milieu de cycles successifs d’adhésions ou d’oppositions souvent tumultueuses d’un bout à l’autre de l’échiquier politique. / In the wake of a tragic civil war, the United States entered a period of Reconstruction that aroused many questions about the notion of liberty. Two groups were propelled into the center of the country’s public debate: Blacks and women. While the former became a central issue because their abolitionist allies wanted them to garner immediate citizenship (“This is the Negro’s hour”), the latter were trying to catch public attention because they had been longtime allies to the same abolitionists and were now claiming their own enfranchisement. That was the inception of a long period made of alliances interspersed with moments of blatant disagreement and even separation between black male militants, suffragists, black female franchise advocators, and their respective supporters or opponents. They were all caught in the twists and turns of struggles and causes that complemented one another. Though their motives were concomitant and compatible, they remained fundamentally distinct, even divergent in terms of principles and strategies, which sometimes sparked mutual hostility. They all entered a cycle of actions oscillating between a universal and a particular claim of the franchise. This situation prevailed until the advent of universal female suffrage in 1920 (except for black women in the South). Whether or not the success or failure of black males depended on the defeat of women, the successive defeats of both groups pointed out the reluctance of a society undergoing the convulsions sparked by its original contradictions stemming from the very period when it declared all men equal; all except Indians, Blacks, and women. The final enfranchisement of both women and Blacks took more than a century of alliances and dissociations in the midst of a tumult of successive support or opposition across the country’s political spectrum.

Esta dissertação aborda o Direito Ático por um prisma axiológico. Admite a influência dos valores na formulação de normas e institutos, e destaca um valor que considera como dos mais importantes na cultura grega dos séculos V e IV a.C., a saber, a honra. Uma primeira parte do trabalho se propõe a delimitar a honra, distinguindo seu uso em dois sentidos principais de: valor que se tem, e de fenômeno da percepção deste valor. Uma segunda parte demonstra a origem do apreço pela honra e pela excelência na poesia épica, esclarecendo depois que posição a honra ocupa na escala grega de valores. Trata-se ainda da guerra como local para o nascimento e consolidação dos significados de honra de que dispomos, e em seguida, aborda a tormentosa situação enfrentada por Drácon por conta da prática da vingança privada, destacando a vinculação desta ao restabelecimento da honra e comentado as características da lei de homicídio de Drácon. A terceira parte dedica-se a detalhado exame de três institutos jurídicos Áticos que têm na honra sua razão de ser: perda dos direitos civis, atimía; serviços ao povo de Atenas, liturgias; a tratamento e punição da hýbris. / The present work examines Attic Law through an axiological perspective. Admits the role of values in forming norms and juridical institutes, focusing in a special value considered to be one of the main forms of excellence in 5th and 4th century: honor. The first part of the work delimits honor, indicating two meanings for the term: a value that the subject has, and the perception of such a value by others. A second part demonstrates the origin of the greek concern with honor and excellence in Homer´s epic poetry, establishing a post for honor in greek axiological rankings. Identifies war as the birthplace of the meanings of honor we discussed, and analyzes the difficult social condition that Draco had to face in its time, related to private revenge, emphasizing it connection with the theme of honor and commenting Draco´s Homicide Law. The third part brings a detailed exam of three of attic law´s institutes related to honor: disenfranchisement, atimía; public service in Athens, liturgies; treatment and punishment of hýbris.

Esta dissertação aborda o Direito Ático por um prisma axiológico. Admite a influência dos valores na formulação de normas e institutos, e destaca um valor que considera como dos mais importantes na cultura grega dos séculos V e IV a.C., a saber, a honra. Uma primeira parte do trabalho se propõe a delimitar a honra, distinguindo seu uso em dois sentidos principais de: valor que se tem, e de fenômeno da percepção deste valor. Uma segunda parte demonstra a origem do apreço pela honra e pela excelência na poesia épica, esclarecendo depois que posição a honra ocupa na escala grega de valores. Trata-se ainda da guerra como local para o nascimento e consolidação dos significados de honra de que dispomos, e em seguida, aborda a tormentosa situação enfrentada por Drácon por conta da prática da vingança privada, destacando a vinculação desta ao restabelecimento da honra e comentado as características da lei de homicídio de Drácon. A terceira parte dedica-se a detalhado exame de três institutos jurídicos Áticos que têm na honra sua razão de ser: perda dos direitos civis, atimía; serviços ao povo de Atenas, liturgias; a tratamento e punição da hýbris. / The present work examines Attic Law through an axiological perspective. Admits the role of values in forming norms and juridical institutes, focusing in a special value considered to be one of the main forms of excellence in 5th and 4th century: honor. The first part of the work delimits honor, indicating two meanings for the term: a value that the subject has, and the perception of such a value by others. A second part demonstrates the origin of the greek concern with honor and excellence in Homer´s epic poetry, establishing a post for honor in greek axiological rankings. Identifies war as the birthplace of the meanings of honor we discussed, and analyzes the difficult social condition that Draco had to face in its time, related to private revenge, emphasizing it connection with the theme of honor and commenting Draco´s Homicide Law. The third part brings a detailed exam of three of attic law´s institutes related to honor: disenfranchisement, atimía; public service in Athens, liturgies; treatment and punishment of hýbris.