Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A democratic political system grants unimpaired opportunities for all citizens to have their preferences weighted equally in the conduct of government regardless of content or source. However, governments in democratic political systems frequently disregard public preference. But all governments, not only popular governments, are dependent on the 'will of the people' if the system is to remain viable. This study investigates the relationship between public opinion and public policy in South Africa, using the 1996 Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act as case study, as it provides a practical example to illustrate this complex relationship. The study used a longitudinal approach to investigate shifts in public opinion over a period of five years, using secondary survey analysis. Attitudes towards abortion are cross-tabulated by demographic variables, religion, interest in politics and democratic norms. The study found that the most significant shifts in public opinion occurred within demographic groups previously discriminated against by the 1975 Abortion and Sterilisation Act. In 1994 South Africa emerged from a lengthy anti-apartheid struggle and human rights were of paramount importance to many South Africans. The restrictive abortion legislation of 1975 was vestige of discriminative apartheid legislation and was not in line with South Africa's exemplary 1996 Constitution. Consequently, progressive abortion legislation was ratified, amidst significant public indifference, in order to promote equal citizenship of women. It is argued that abortion constitutes a basic democratic right, in the context of reproductive health rights, and although South African citizens predominantly support a democratic political system, few made the ideological connection with abortion as a democratic right. Therefore, the study infers that the South African electorate is ill informed of the ideological norms surrounding democracy. The significance of this study is that it investigated abortion not as a legal or moral issue, but as a politicised issue in South Africa. The African National Congress (ANC) was strongly committed to advancing progressive abortion legislation in South Africa. The ANC elected to vote on a party platform on the proposed abortion bill. When a majority party, which holds 252 seats of 400 in the National Assembly, elects to vote as a block on proposed legislation, it is likely that the legislation will be passed into law. This conduct of the ANC raises fears that South Africa is a de facto one-party dominant state, where free and fair elections are held, but no rotation in office occurs. Both the 1994 and 1999 elections led to landslide victories for the ANC, and they are assured that the 2003 elections will yield the same result. It is extremely damaging to any democratic system when competition but no contestation occurs. Therefore, it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between state and party interests. The study concludes that in the case of progressive abortion legislation in South Africa, the people did not rule. It is the view of this study that the enactment of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act did not represent democratic conduct. It illustrates that the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act was, by implication, "bulldozed" into law by the ANC. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Demokratiese politieke stelsel vergun gelyke geleenthede aan elke burger sodat hul voorkeure gelyk opgeweeg word in die optrede van 'n regering, ongeag die bron of konteks daarvan. Nogtans minag regerings gereeld openbare voorkeur. Nie slegs populêre regerings nie, maar alle regerings is afhanklik van volkswil, as slegs dan die stelsel lewensvatbaar sal bly. Hierdie studie ondersoek die verhouding tussen openbare mening en openbare beleid in Suid-Afrika. Die Wet op Keuse oor Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 word gebruik, omdat dit 'n praktiese gevallestudie bied om hierdie komplekse verhouding te illustreer. Die studie maak gebruik van 'n langsdeursnee aanslag om die verandering van openbare mening oor vyf jaar te ondersoek en maak gebruik van sekondêre meningsopname vraelys analiese. Lewenshoudings oor aborsie is kruis getabuleer met demografiese veranderlikes, geloof, intriseerdheid in politiek en demokratiese grondregte. Daar is gevind dat die mees aanduidende veranderinge in openbare menings te vinde was in demografiese groepe waarteen gediskrimineer was deur die Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie van 1975. Suid-Afrika het in 1994 uit 'n wydlopende anti-apartheid stryd getree en mense-regte was van oorwegende belang vir die meeste Suid-Afrikaners. Die 1975 Wet op Vrugafdrywing en Sterilisasie was 'n bewys van diskriminerende apartheid wetgewing en was nie in lyn met Suid-Afrika se nuwe Grondwet nie. Dus is progressiewe aborsie wetgewing bekragtig, om vroue in Suid-Afrika gelyke burgerskap te gee, te midde van deurslaggewende openbare ontevredenheid. Die studie veronderstel dat aborsie 'n grondreg van demokrasie vorm, binne die konteks van reproduktiewe gesondheids-regte. Alhoewel Suid-Afrikaners 'n demokratiese politieke stelsel steun, het weinig die konneksie tussen aborsie en demokratiese ideologiese grondregte gemaak. Die studie maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrikaners swak ingelig is in verband met die ideologiese grondregte van demokrasie. Die inhoudsbelang van hierdie studie is dat aborsie ondersoek word as 'n politieke vraagstuk en nie as morele of wetregtige vraagstuk nie. Die African National Congress (ANC) was sterk verbind tot die totstandbringing van progresiewe aborsie wetgewing in Suid-Afrika en het besluit om op 'n party-platform te stem in Parlement aangaande voorgestelde progressiewe aborsie wetgewing. Wanneer 'n meerderheidsparty, wat 252 setels van 400 in die parlement beslaan, besluit om as 'n blok te stem oor voorgestelde wetgewing, dit redelik seker is dat dié wetgewing bekragtig sal word. Hierdie gedrag van die ANC gee aanleiding tot vrese dat Suid Afrika 'n de facto een party dominante staat is, waar vry en regverdige verkiesings voorkom, maar geen afwisseling in ampstermyn nie. Dit is skadelik vir enige demokratiese stelsel wanneer kompetisie maar geen betwisting paasvind nie. Gevolglik word dit al hoe moeiliker om te onderskei tussen party-en staatsbelange. Die studie sluit af dat die publiek nie regeer het in hierdie geval nie. Dit is die siening van hierdie studie dat die bekragtiging van die Wet op Keuse oor die Beëindiging van Swangerskap van 1996 nie goeie demokratiese optrede weerspieël het nie en dat dit, by implikasie, deur die ANC deur middel van intimidasie bekragtig is.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is an interpretation of the New Partnership for Africa's Development paradigm as explained in the policy document released in October 2001, in terms of Manuel CasteIls ' theory of the Network Society. This research is simply structured into three sections: an explanation and criticisms of NEPAD, an explanation of CasteIls ' theory, and a synopsis of correlations between the two. The NEPAD is a development paradigm aimed at the socio-economic development of the African continent. It is envisioned to be a partnership between the developed world and African leadership to lift the continent from the depths of poverty, corruption and exclusion, in which it now finds itself The document was created through a merger of the Omega Plan, the Millennium Action Plan and the ECA Compact. The main proponents of the initiative are Presidents Mbeki, Obasanjo and Bouteflika. Although NEPAD has been well received internationally, it has come under severe criticism from African civil society. Concern has been raised that NEPAD will serve to further consolidate the neo-patrimonial state and existing elite networks through providing the requested funding; in this context the argument for increased foreign direct investment is especially questioned. The authors of the document are especially criticised for excluding civil society from the drafting process. Due to this lack of consultation, it is argued that NEPAD does not reflect the true will of the African people. The neo-liberal undertones of the document, the recognition of the process of globalisation, and Africa's resulting marginalisation as well as the threat this poses for global security are further points of critique that are explored in this thesis. Manuel CasteIls provides an explanation of the new global economy in his theory of the Network Society. He argues that the dominant system today, is a result of the advances in information and communications technology (ICT) as well as the capitalist pursuit of profit. The new global economy is therefore not only the new dominant international economic system, but also the new historical reality. Against this backdrop, he proposes a Technological Marshall Plan which essentially is a call for massive technological investment into Africa to assist the continent to leap-frog the industrial age and connect with the new global economy. There are several points of correlation between NEPAD and Castells. Essentially NEPAD takes the worldview explained by Caste/Is as its point of departure. NEPAD then builds a development strategy in full coherence with the logic of the theory of the Network Society. NEPAD concurs with CasteIls on the role played by ICT in the process of globalisation. The disarticulation of space and time has led to an instantaneous, global expression of social and economic life, specifically in financial markets and the production process. The result is the inclusion of valuable people and assets into the global network, while the devalued are excluded. Both NEPAD and CasteIls argue that the current state of affairs is both morally wrong and economically and politically unstable. It is therefore, as both ague, in the interests of the developed world to engage in this new partnership. This thesis exposes fundamental correlations between the theory of the Network Society and the New Partnership for Africa's Development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n interpretasie van die "New Partnership for Africa's Development" (NEPAD) paradigma, soos uiteengesit in die beleids dokument wat in Oktober 2001 uitgereik is, aan die hand van Manuel CasteIls se teorie van die Netwerk Samelewing. Die narvorsing is gestruktureerd in drie seksies: 'n verduideliking van NEPAD en die kritiek daarop, 'n verduideliking van CasteIls se teorie en 'n samevatting van die ooreenkomste tussen die twee. NEPAD is 'n ontwikkelings paradigma, gemik op die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die Afrika kontinent. Dit word voorgehou as 'n venootskap tussen die ontwikkelde wêreld en Afrika leierskap, waarin die kontinent uit die situasie van armmoede, korrupsie en uitsluiting gehelp sal word. Die dokument is 'n kombinasie van die Omega Plan, die Millenium Aksie Plan (MAP) en die ECA Compact. Die hoof voorstanders van die initatief is Presidente Mbeki, Obassanjo en Bouteflika. Ten spyte van NEPAD se goeie ontvangs in die internationale samelewing, het die burgelike samelewing van Afrika dit nie sonder kritiek aanvaar nie. Kommer is uitgespreek dat NEPAD net die belange van die neo-patrimoniale staat en die bestaande elite netwerke sal konsolideer, deur die voorsiening van fondse. In die konteks word die vraag vir die vergrote buitelandse direkte investering veral bevraagteken. Die outeurs van die dokument word veral gekritiseer omdat hulle die burgerlike samelewing uitgesluit het uit die ontwerp van die konsep. Juis om die rede word daar geargumenteer dat NEPAD nie die ware wil van die mense van Afrika reflekteer nie. Die neo-liberale ondertone van die dokument, die erkenning van die proses van globalisasie en Afrika se marginalisasie wat gevolg het, as ook die bedreigings wat dit vir globale sekuriteit inhou, is verdere kritiek waarna gekyk sal word in die tese. Manuel CasteIls voorsien ons van 'n verduideliking van die nuwe globale ekonomie in sy teorie oor die Netwerk Samelewing. Hy argumenteer dat die dominante sisteem vandag voorspruit uit die ontwikkeling van informasie en kommunikasie tegnologie, as ook die kapitalistiese strewe na profyt. Die nuwe globale ekonomie is daarom nie net die nuwe dominante internationale ekonomiese sisteem nie, maar ook die nuwe historiese realiteit. Teen die agtergrond stel hy 'n Tegnologiese Marshall plan voor, wat essensiël 'n vraag vir substansiële tegnologiese investering in Afrika is, om die kontinent te help om die industriële tydperk te oorbrug en aan te sluit by die nuwe globale ekonomie. Daar is heelwat ooreenstemmings tussen NEPAD en CasteIls se teorie. Essensiël gebruik NEPAD CasteIls se wêreld beeld as vertrekpunt. Daarna bou NEPAD 'n ontwikkelings strategie in ooreenstemming met die logika van die teorie van die Netwerk Samelewing. NEPAD stem ooreen met CasteIls oor die rol wat IKTs speel in die proses van globalisasie. Die verplasing van spasie en tyd het gelei tot 'n skielike, globale uitdrukking van sosiale en ekonomiese lewe, spesifiek in finansiële markte en die produksieproses. Die gevolge is die insluiting van waardevolle mense en bates in die globale netwerk, terwyl dit die wat in waarde verminder uitstluit. Beide NEPAD en CasteIls argumenteer dat die huidige stand van sake beide moreel en ekonomies verkeerd is, as ook polities onstabiel. Dit is daarom, soos beide argumenteer, in die belang van die ontwikkelde lande om deel te neem aan hierdie vernootskap. Die tesis lig fundamentele ooreenkomste tussen die teorie van die Netwerk Samelewing en NEPADuit.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1995, despite the consultative processes with regards to Rationalisation and Redeployment, many stakeholders did not accept, nor understand the rationale behind the government's drive to redistribute human resources. It is widely known that there existed immense tensions and conflicts between educators and bureaucrats on the issue, which played itself out in the Grove Primary School case, as well as the withdrawal of regulations because of a 'threatened strike', due to government's disregard for participatory democracy. Using a case study, within the Gauteng province, this research investigated the experiences and perceptions of key policy actors on the policy planning and implementation processes by tracking the development of social dialogue during this process. The conceptual framework for this study was provided in the work of Cheng and Cheung (1995), who provided a generic empirical education policy analysis model, which tracks the policy processes within linear phases. Fifty indicators were identified, which were used to measure the efficacy of the policy-making process, as well as the evolution of social dialogue in the policy discourse. This study argues that in an endeavour to implement redress and equity, the policy employed had its inherent weaknesses. The researcher used a structured questionnaire to measure key policy actors (formulators and implementers), experiences and perceptions of the process employed. The qualitative methodology, which was supported by the quantitative data analysis approach, exposed that bureaucratic attitude towards socio-political participation, a technocratic approach to educational imperatives, strong union organisation, empowered parents, and the lack of capacity at certain levels of administration to deal with resistance directly and indirectly, contributed to the ambiguous success of this policy intervention. The purpose of this research was to assist in improving the efficacy of the policy pathways, by proposing a modified strategy, which includes dialogue with all relevant role players. In focusing primarily on the analysis of the Rationalisation and Redeployment Policy process, the findings of this empirical research have therefore shown how opinions and perceptions about the efficacy of a policy process are directly linked to the experiences of policy actors with regards to social dialogue during the process. As any interventionist policy is a negotiated responsibility of all educational role players, in order to promote an enabling educative environment, the consultative, as well as the policy processes proposed in this study, are based on principles grounded in research which makes optimal use of existing structures. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert 1995, ten spyte van die konsultatiewe proses rakende rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing, het min van die rolspelers die proses aanvaar, of die rasionaal agter die regering se poging om menslike hulpbronne te herversprei verstaan. Dit is alombekend dat daar reuse spanning en konflik tussen opvoeders en burokrate, gesentreer rondom die Grove Primêre Skool saak, bestaan het. Dit het saamgegaan met die ontrekking van regulasies -as gevolg van 'n beoogde staking weens die regering se miskenning van deelnemende demokrasie. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van 'n gevalle studie in die Gauteng provinsie. Hiervolgens is daar 'n ondersoek na die ervarings en persepsies van sleutel beleidsrolspleers ten opsigte van beleidsbeplanning en implementeringsprosesse. Die hoofidee is om die ontwikkeling van die sosiale dialoog binne die provinsiale onderwys na te spoor. Die konsepsuele raamwerk word verskaf deur Cheng and Cheung (1995), wie se werk 'n generiese empiriese onderwysbeleidsontleding model voortgebring het. Hierdie model volg die beleidsproses binne liniêre fases. Vyftig aanwysers word geïdentifiseer, wat gebruik word om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsformuleringproses sowel as die evolusie van sosiale dialoog te meet. Hierdie studie voer aan dat in die poging om herverspreding en gelykberegtiging te implementeer, die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses opsigself inherente swakhede gehad het. "n Gestruktueerde vraelys, om sleutel rolspelers se ervarings en persepsies van die beleidsproses te meet, is gebruik. Hierdie navorsing bring na vore die feit dat burokratiese houdings jeens sosiopolitiese deelname, "n tegnokratiese benadering tot opvoedkundige imperatiewe, sterk vakbondorganisasie, bemagtigde ouers, en bestuursvlak se onvermoë om weerstand te hanteer, bygedra het tot die dubbelsinnige sukses van hierdie beleidsintervensie. Die doel van die navorsing is om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsweë te verbeter. Dit word gedoen deur die voorstel van 'n gewysigde strategie, wat die dialoog van alle relevante rolsplers insluit. Deur primêr te fokus op die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses, wys die navorsing dat opinies en persepsies rondom die effektiwiteit van 'n beleidsproses direk gekoppel is aan die ervarings van beleidsrolspelers met betrekking tot sosiale dialoog. Die konsultatiewe sowel as die beleidsprosesse wat voorgestel word in hierdie studie is gebaseer op beginsels wat opsigself gefundeer is in navorsing wat van die bestaande strukture optimaal gebruik maak.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report seeks to investigate the extent and success of multilateral foreign aid aimed at poverty alleviation in two countries, Angola and Zambia. Links between aid, economic growth, and poverty alleviation are also investigated. It is found that aid alone cannot create economic growth in order to alleviate poverty, and growth from aid alone is not sustainable - as the case study of Zambia shows. In Zambia, aid did not have enough impact to change the legacy of unsound economic polices, as the institutions that led these processes lacked the capacity to design sound policies to manage the aid projects. In the case of Angola, the whole process of using aid for poverty alleviation was seriously retarded by the civil war. The war is clearly one of the major causes of the poverty that exists in Angola - unlike in the case of Zambia where poverty is a chronic situation. As poverty alleviation is critical to both these countries, they should concentrate on empowering the poor with capacity-building skills, and multilateral aid should promote this. In terms of aid agreements with multilateral institutions, conditions must be in place before aid is granted to promote the interests of the poor. Well-designed aid can be successfully implemented, and can be sustainable. However, this will work only if all stakeholders from the bottom to the top are actively involved in the planning through to the implementing stages. Apart from empowering the poor, government and multilateral agencies also need to encourage the growth of the private sector in these two countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verslag stelondersoek in na die omvang en sukses van multilaterale hulpverlening aan Zambië en Angola wat gemik is op die verligting van armoede. Die verband tussen hulpverlening, ekonomiese groei en armoedeverligting word ook ondersoek. Daar word bevind dat hulpverlening nie outomaties aanleiding gee tot groei -plus-armoedeverligting nie, en dat ekonomiese groei wat op hulpverlening gebaseer is, onvolhoubaar is, soos Zambië illustreer. In Zambië kon hulpverlening nie daarin slaag om swak ekonomiese beleid reg te ruk nie, vanweë die gebrek aan institusionele kapasiteit. In die geval van Angola was pogings om hulp te benut vir armoedeverligting ernstig in die wiele gery deur die burgeroorlog, een van die hoofoorsake van armoede in Angola. Aaangesien armoedeverligting "n kritiese uitdaging vir albei state is, moet die armes bemagtig word deur kapasiteitsbou, en multilaterale hulp moet daarvoor geoormerk word. Dit impliseer dat hulpverleningsooreenkomste aan voorwaardes wat die armes bevoordeel, onderworpe moet wees. Goed-ontwerpte hulp kan suksesvol toegepas word, en kan volhoubaar wees. Dit voorveronderstel egter dat alle belangegroepe aktief betrek word. Naas die bevordering van die belange van die armes, moet die privaatsektor in albei state ook verder uitgebou word.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.

Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The human security concept challenges the traditional view of state security. The very essence of human security means to respect human rights. The Commission on Human Security did not focus on women as a special area of concern in the 1994 Human Development Report. The report does not recognise that being subject to gender hierarchies increases women’s insecurity and that women experience human security differently from men and shows that the human security concept does not include gender based violence (GBV) because there is no specific attention paid to issues that predominantly pertain to women. This study is conducted from a feminist perspective. It is reflexive research and based on standpoint theory. The data is gathered through analysis of secondary data and primary data, collected through interviews. GBV in South Africa tends to be continuous and the perpetrator is most likely to be a spouse or partner. Studies show that women are seen as being dependent on and weaker than men. Many men view women’s rights legislation as a challenge to the legitimacy of men’s authority over women. Women who try to be more independent in their relationships are regarded as threats and violence against them becomes a way for men to show control. The criminal justice system in South Africa has made progress in protecting women from GBV but myths, stereotypes and social conventions still prevent women from receiving justice. Traditionally, the state regards what happens in the private sphere as outside its responsibility. The public/private dichotomy challenges state regulations and norms which is evident in the case of domestic violence. It is often argued that GBV has remained imperceptible because it takes place in the private sphere. However, this research indicates that due to the socio-economic situation in South Africa, the abuse is often publicly known by those in the immediate environment as people live in informal housing. This research shows that a human security framework that targets GBV has to be developed for those who bear its consequences. When women are not viewed as subjects, issues that mainly affect them remain invisible. It is necessary that analysis of human insecurity starts from the conditions of women’s lives. Many women in South Africa live highly traumatic lives. Fighting GBV requires that we know the victims of GBV and let them decide what they need to feel secure. Creating human security requires that other threats which contribute to GBV, such as poverty, gender stereotypes and prejudice are also addressed. GBV has become an epidemic in South Africa and is a permanent constraint in women’s lives and impacts society as a whole. The security of the state rest on the security of women and as long as the state fails to treat GBV as a serious crime and protect women the state is more likely to use violence on a larger scale against its citizens. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Menslike Veiligheidskonsept daag die tradisionele siening van staatsveiligheid uit: die kerbetekenis van Menslike Veiligheid is om menseregte te respekteer. Die Kommissie op Menslike Veiligheid het nie op vroue as ‘n spesiale area van kommer gefokus in die Menslike Ontwikkelingsverslag van 1994 nie. Die verslag het daarin gefaal om te erken dat die realiteit van geslags-hiërargieë vroue se insekuriteit verhoog, en dat die ervaring van menslike sekuriteit van mans en vroue verskil. Hierdie navorsing sal toon dat die menslike veiligheidsbegrip nie in staat is om geslags-gebaseerde geweld (GGG) in ag te neem nie, aangesien daar geen spesifieke aandag verleen is aan vraagstukke wat hoofsaaklik op vroue betrekking het nie. Hierdie studie is vanuit 'n feministiese perspektief gedoen. Die navorsing is reflektief en op standpunt-teorie gebaseer. Die data is deur die analise van sekondêre data, asook die gebruik van primêre data i deur middel van onderhoude ingesamel . GGG in Suid-Afrika is geneig om oor ‘n uitgerekte tydperk plaas te vind en die mees waarskynlike oortreders is ‘n eggenoot of lewensmaat. Navorsing toon dat gemeenskappe geneig is om vroue as swakker en afhanlik van mans te sien. Wetgewing op die regte van vroue word deur vele mans as ‘n uidaging van hul legitieme superioriteit, ten op sigte van vroue, gesien. Vroue wat dus onafhanklikheid in hul verhoudings probeer uitoefen, word as bedreigings gesien en geweld word gebruik om hulle “in hul plek te hou”. Die Suid-Afrikaanse kriminele regstelsel het al vordering gemaak in terme van die beskerming van vroue teen GGG, maar mites, stereotipes en sosiale konvensies belemmer steeds die volle gang van die gereg. Die staat het in die verlede die private sfeer as buite sy jurisdiksie gesien. Die openbare/private sfeer digotomie bied uitdagings vir staatsregulering en vir die implementering van regulasies , en dit word veral duidelik in die geval van huishoudelike geweld. Daar word aangevoer dat aangesien GGG in die private sfeer plaasvind, dit onsigbaar bly. Hierdie navorsing het egter bevind dat GGG in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks dikwels in die openbare gemeenskapsfeer (deur diegene in die onmiddelike omgewing) opgemerk word, omdat baie mense in Suid-Afrika informele nedersettings woon.Hierdie navorsing het verder bevind dat ‘n GGG raamwerk vir menslike veiligheid ontwikkel moet word wat diegene wat die gevolge van GGG dra insluit. Indien vroue nie spesifiek as navorsingssubjekte geag word nie, bly faktore wat hulle spesifiek beïnvloed onsigbaar. Dit is belangrik dat analise van menslike insekuriteit begin om die omstandighede van vrouens se lewens in ag te neem. Vroue in Suid-Afrika leef in hoogs traumatiese omstandighede. In die bestryding van GGG is dit belangrik dat die slagoffers van GGG in ag geneem word en dat dit hulle toelaat om dit duidelik te maak wat hulle onveilig laat voel. Die skep van menslike veiligheid vereis dat bedreigings wat bydra tot GGG, naamlik armoede, geslagstereotipes en vooroordeel , ook aangespreek word. GGG in Suid-Afrika het ‘n epidemie geword, en plaas ‘n permanente beperking op vroue se lewens. Dit het ook ‘n blywende impak op die samelewing as ‘n geheel. Die veiligheid van die staat rus op die veiligheid van vroue. Solank as wat die staat versuim om GGG te bekamp en as ‘n ernstigge misdaad te erken, en vroue nie die beskerming van die staat geniet nie, is daar ‘n hoër moontlikheid vir die gebruik van geweld deur die staat teen sy eie burgers op ‘n groter skaal.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The onset of democracy in South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by the rise in bids for, and the hosting of sports mega-events so as to accomplish national interests and goals. This was done with the purpose of rebranding the South African image to the international community through national and international campaigns that sought to highlight the country’s aspirant status as a rainbow nation and its pan-Africanist ideals. This study investigates how, as host for the 2010 FIFA World Cup™, South Africa was reported on by two international online media newspapers, The New York Times (United States of America (USA)) and the Guardian (United Kingdom (UK)). The aim is to address an understudied aspect of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ by reflecting systematically on the tone and content of international media portrayals of the event, both before and during the tournament. The study has two focuses. Firstly, it considers the motives for South Africa’s bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™. Secondly, it appraises the content and nature of reporting in the two overseas newspapers. The study uses a mix of secondary and primary sources, which include academic journals, books, websites, newspaper articles and government and the FIFA websites. The findings of this study suggest that the bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ was based on the country’s positive experience from hosting previous sports mega-events. Additionally, South Africa wanted to showcase its commercial maturity, its development of physical infrastructure, and the presence of human skills. The motives underpinning the bid aimed at dispelling and challenging international misconceptions of the African continent. The novelty of an African country bidding to stage and hosting a sport mega-event such as the FIFA World Cup™ resulted in the country gaining extensive international media coverage from The New York Times and the Guardian. The qualitative and quantitative content analysis from these two newspapers yielded some commonality and recurrence of words such as: “stadium”, “tickets”, ‘vuvuzela”, “crime”, and “security”. The differences between the two newspapers were minimal, supporting the liberal-pluralist theoretical claim that the media acts as an agenda setter, and in line with the Marxist theory of the ideological role of the media. Media coverage of sports mega-events is important and influential in determining the way in which the host country is branded, and future studies are necessary to address the / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die koms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het gepaard gegaan met die toename in tenders en die gasheerskap van megasportgebeure om nasionale belange en doelwitte te bereik. Die doel was die herposisionering van die Suid-Afrikaanse beeld in die internasionale gemeenskap deur middel van nasionale en internasionale veldtogte wat daarna gestreef het om die land se reënboognasiebeeld en sy pan-Afrikanistiese ideale te beklemtoon. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe Suid-Afrika, as gasheer vir die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker, deur twee internasionale aanlynmediakoerante, The New York Times (Verenigde State van Amerika) en die Guardian (Verenigde Koninkryk) uitgebeeld is. Die doel is om die meer onverkende aspekte van Suid-Afrika se gasheerskap onder oë te neem, en voorts om sistematiese peiling te doen van die toon en inhoud van internasionale media-uitbeeldings van die sport gebeurtenis. Die studie het twee fokuspunte. Eerstens word ondersoek ingestel na die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied. Tweedens beoordeel dit die inhoud en aard van verslaggewing in die twee oorsese koerante. Die studie gebruik ’n mengsel van sekondêre en primêre bronne, insluitend akademiese tydskrifte, boeke, webwerwe, koerantberigte en die regering en FIFA se webwerwe. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie beklemtoon dat die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied, gegrond was op die bewese positiewe prestasierekord wat die land as gasheer in vorige megasportgebeure opgebou het. Voorts wou Suid-Afrika sy kommersiële volwassenheid, die ontwikkeling van fisiese infrastruktuur, en die teenwoordigheid van mensvaardighede ten toon te stel. Die motiewe vir die bod was ook daarop gemik om internasionale wanopvattings oor die Afrika-vasteland uit te daag en uit die weg te ruim. Die ongekendheid van die aanbied van ’n megasportgebeurtenis soos die FIFA Wêreldbeker deur ’n Afrikaland, het daartoe gelei dat die land uitgebreide internasionale mediadekking in The New York Times en die Guardian geniet het. Die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe inhoudontleding het getoon dat daar ’n mate van gemeenskaplikheid en herhaling van woorde was, soos: “stadium”, “tickets”, “vuvuzela”, “crime” en “security”. Die verskille tussen die twee koerante was minimaal en ondersteun liberaal-pluralistiese teorie wat die media as ’n agenda steller uitwys. Dit ondersteun ook Marxistiese teorie oor die ideologiese rol van die media. Mediadekking van megasportgebeure is belangrik en invloedryk in die bepaling van die manier waarop die gasheerland as handelsmerk voorgestel word, en toekomstige studies is nodig om die onderbestudeerde aspekte van die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker ™ te ontleed. Dit sluit onder andere in, ontleding van die langtermyn ekonomiese, politieke en maatskaplike nalatenskappe van so ’n gebeurtenis.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.